;LT)
THE
WORKS
MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,
WILLIAM LAUD, D. D.
SOMETIME LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
VOL. III.
DEVOTIONS, DIARY, AND HISTORY.
OXFORD :
JOHN HENRY PARKER.
M DCCC LIU.
EDITOR S PREFACE.
THE present volume contains four separate works of Arch
bishop Laud.
I. The Summary of Devotions, reprinted from the first
genuine Edition, printed in Oxford in 1667, from the original
MS. preserved in St. John s College. As the MS. has
unhappily been lost, it seemed the best course to follow
accurately the above named Edition, which was published
during the lifetime of Dr. Bayly, Dean of Salisbury, and
President of St. John s College, the Archbishop s Executor,
and his nephew by marriage. The original MS. had been
seized, with the Archbishop s other papers, by Prynne, and
after its restoration to the Archbishop, had passed, doubtless,
with such of his other papers as had escaped the general
wreck, into the hands of his Executor. The first part of the
Devotions, reaching to the end of the paragraph headed
Morbus, (p. 51 of the present Edition,) had previously
appeared in 1650, and 1663, under the title of " Ofncium
Quotidianum, or, A Manual of Private Devotions, by the
Most Reverend Father in God, Dr. William Laud, late Lord
Archbishop of Canterbury." This has been collated for the
present reprint, and any important variations noticed.
After the publication of the Oxford Edition of 1667, there
appeared the following :
1667. London, in smaller size than the Oxford Edition of the same year,
and with only the Lambeth imprimatur.
1683. Under the following title, "The Daily Office of a Christian, being
the Devotions of the Most Keverend Father in God, Dr. William Laud,
late Archbishop of Canterbury. The Fourth Edition. Wherein
VI PREFACE.
several Catechetical Paraphrases, and other very excellent Prayers,
selected out of the Primitive Writers, formerly published in Latin,
are now made English, and the whole reduced to an exact method
for the Benefit of the Devout. London, printed for Matthew Gilli-
flower, William Hensman, and are to be sold at their shops in West
minster Hall. 1683."
1687. Same title, Fifth Edition. London, reprinted for T. B. M. G. and
W. H., and are to be sold by Eichard Heavisid, over against the
Devil Tavern, near Temple Bar.
1688. (Also termed) Fifth Edition ; same title-page; printers names not
given.
1705. Same title. Sixth Edition. London, printed for Samuel Keble,
at the Great Turk s Head in Fleet Street, and K. Wellington at the
Dolphin and Crown at the West End of St. Paul s Churchyard ; and
W. and M. Gilliflower at the Black Eagle in Westminster Hall.
1838. Oxford. A reprint of the Oxford Edition of 1667.
II. The Diary of the Archbishop,, which has been carefully
collated with the original MS. in the Library of St. John s
College, Oxford.
III. Notes on Prynne s Breviate, now first published, of
which a full account will be found in an Introductory Note.
IV. The History of the Archbishop s Troubles and Trial
(the First Part), which has also been collated with the original
MS., and the various corrections and additions indicated in
the notes.
The next volume will contain the remaining portion of the
History, to which will be added an Appendix of such Docu
ments as may be considered necessary for its illustration.
JAMES BLISS.
OGBOURNE ST. ANDREW,
Dec. 4, 1852.
CONTENTS.
Page
I. A Summary of Devotions . . . . . 1
II. The Diary of the Archbishop s Life (preceded by
H. Wharton s Preface to Diary and History) . 109
III. Marginal Notes on Prynne s Breviate . . .257
IV. History of Troubles and Trial . . 273
A
SUMM ARI E
OF
DEVOTIONS,
Compiled and Ufed by
D r . WILLIAM LAUD,
Sometime L<*. Arch-Bishop of
CANTERB VR Y.
Now Publifhed according to the Copy written
with his own hand, and referved in the
Archives of St. John Baptist s
Colledge Library in
OXON.
OXFORD,
Printed by William Hall, Anno Dom. 1667,
LA UP. VOL. ITI.
IMPRIMATUR,
GJLBEBTUS CANT.
Dai. Lambe*
thce, Dec. 12,
1666,
IMPRIMATUR,
JOHAN. FELL,
Vicecan.
Oxon. Dec. 28.
1666.
ET CONVEESUS VIVIFICASTI ME.
PsaL Ixx. 20. [Edit. Vulg.]
O COME hither and hearken, all ye that fear God, and I will Psal.
tell you what He hath done for my soul.
Ixvi. 16.
Pater noster,
Qui es in Ccelis,
Sanctificetur
Nomen Tuum.
Adveniat Kegnum Tuum.
Fiat voluntas Tua, sicut in
Coelo, et in Terra.
Panem
Nostrum
Quotidianum da nobis
hodie.
Et remitte nobis debita,
sicut, &c.
Et ne nos inducas in ten-
tationem :
Sed libera nos a malo.
Quia Tuum est Regnum,
Potentia,
* [See Bp. Andre wes " notes written
with his own hand in his Service
Book," English Works, vol. vii.p 148.]
3. p.H47 b .
La3sus est, sed Pater. Oratio
Eminenter, non inclusive 1 . ?Q
In me, per me, super me. aliter.^par.
Patris in nobis, ut simus
filii Patris nostri.
Ut destruatur regnum pec-
cati, per quod regnant Mors
et Diabolus.
In me, qui sum terra, sicut
a sanctis angelis.
Superccelestem et corpo-
reum.
Proprium, licite acquisitum.
Pro quotidiana necessitate.
Talenta dimitte nobis mi-
nut a remittentibus.
Nee sinas intrare ductos
pronosque.
Ab auctore mali extra nos,
Diabolo et Mundo ; intra nos,
nobis ipsis : et a malo culpse,
per gratiam ; poense, per mise-
ricordiam; omni, per pacem.
Absolutum in se.
Independens ab aliis.
b [Compendium Theologise, Tract, v.
de Septem Petitionibus Orat. Dora.
Op., torn. i. col. 304. B.]
B 2
4 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Gloria :
Tuum.
Circumfulgens omnia et in
omnibus.
Et a Te, et per Te, et ad
Te, in gloria et salute servo-
rum Tuorum. Amen.
The Our Father, which art in heaven,
Preface. l Hallowed be Thy Name.
Petitions. r mi i i
2. Thy kingdom come.
3. Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven.
4. Give us this day our daily bread.
5. And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that
trespass against us.
6. And lead us not into temptation;
7. But deliver us from evil.
The For Thine is the kingdom, the power, and the glory, for
0X0 ogy * ever and ever. Amen.
SYMBOLTJM APOSTOLICUM DIVISUM IN ARTICULOS.
1 . I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven
and earth.
2. And in Jesus Christ, His only Son, our Lord.
3. Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the
Virgin Mary.
4. He suffered under Pontius Pilate; was crucified, dead,
and buried.
5. He descended into hell; the third day He rose again
from the dead,
6. He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand
of God the Father Almighty.
7. From thence He shall come to judge the quick and the
dead.
8. I believe in the Holy Ghost.
9. The holy Catholic Church; the Communion of saints.
10. The Forgiveness of sins.
11. The Resurrection of the body.
12. And the Life everlasting. Amen.
OFFICIUM QUOTIDIANUM.
IN NOMINE PATRIS, ET FILII, ET SPIRITUS SANCTI. AMEN.
O LORD, I am risen up, and fallen prostrate before Thee ; Pro Gratia
prevent me, I beseech Thee, in all my doings with Thy most
gracious favour, and further me with Thy continual help;
that in all my works begun, continued, and ended in Thee, I
may glorify Thy holy Name, and finally by Thy mercy obtain
everlasting life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Almighty God and most merciful Father, all merciful, Confessio
cum Pre
catione.
mercy itself ; I have erred wittingly, and strayed willingly, Cl
nay run from Thy ways, more like an untamed heifer, than a Per L. A.
lost or wandering sheep. I have followed too much, even
altogether, the absurd devices and brutish desires of my own
heart. I have offended against, nay been offended at Thy
holy, most holy laws ; I have left undone, not done at all,
those things which I ought to have done ; and I have done,
done nothing else, but those things which I ought not to
have done ; and there is no health, no hope of health in me.
But Thou, O Lord, have mercy upon me, miserable, most
miserable sinner, the greatest sinner, and most unthankful
for so great grace. Spare me, and them all, O God, which
confess their faults ; restore me, and all them that be peni
tent, that desire to be penitent, that wish they were, would
be glad if they were so, that fear they are not enough, and
are sorry they are no more : for this is according to Thy
promises, most precious, most gracious, most sweet promises,
declared unto mankind in Christ Jesu our Lord. Grant
therefore, O most merciful Father, for His sake, who is our
11 [Lancelot Andrewcs, Bp. of Win- his own hand in his Service Book,"
Chester. See his "notes written with English Works, vol. vii. p. 147.]
6 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Redeemer,, Advocate, Author and Finisher of our Faith, our
Propitiation, Righteousness, and Justification; that I and all
penitents may hereafter live a godly, righteous, and sober
life, to the glory of Thy holy Name, and the salvation of our
own souls. Amen.
ProEemis- O eternal God and merciful Father, pardon, I beseech
sione Pe
catorum.
! " Thee, all the sins, omissions and commissions, thoughts,
words, and deeds, by which I have provoked Thee unto
anger, from the time of my birth to this present moment.
That no one, nor all of my sins together, may ever be able to
cry oftener or louder in Thine ears for vengeance, than the
cry of my prayers may ascend up unto Thee for mercy and
for forgiveness, and obtain that they sue for. Particularly
I humbly beseech Thee, forgive unto me my great and my
clamorous sins, such as are, &c.
O Lord, against heaven, and against Thee have I sinned,
and committed foul transgressions in Thy sight, but I beseech
Thee wipe them all out of the book of remembrances which
Thou hast written, through Jesus Christ our Lord and only
Saviour. Amen.
Pro Donis. Give unto me, O Lord, I humbly beseech Thee, a wise, a
sober, a patient, an understanding, a devout, a religious, a
courageous heart ; chaste and temperate reins and thought ;
a soul full of devotion to do Thee service, strength against all
temptations, especially the temptations of, &c. ; through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
Gratiarum O Lord, I give Thee humble and hearty thanks, increase
my thankfulness, I beseech Thee, for all benefits and blessings
both spiritual and temporal, which in the riches of Thy great
mercy Thou hast liberally poured down upon me, but espe
cially spiritual. Lord, let me not live but to praise and
magnify Thee and Thy glorious Name. Particularly I give
Thee most unfeigned thanks for my preservation from the
time of my birth to this present moment, for, &c. For
bringing me safe to the beginning of this day, in which and
all the days of my life, I beseech Thee, preserve me from sin
and from danger, in soul and in body, that all my thoughts,
OFFICITJM QUOTIDIANUM. 7
words, and works may tend to the honour and glory of Thy
Name, the good of Thy Church, the discharge of my duty,
the salvation of my soul in the day of my appearance and
account to be made before Thee, through Jesus Christ, our
only Saviour and Redeemer. Amen.
O eternal God and merciful Father, I humbly beseech Thee, Pro Eccle-
bless Thy holy Catholic Church, wheresoever spread upon the i{g a Catho
face x)f the whole earth. Good Lord, purge it from all atheism,
heresy, schism, superstition, factious maintenance of ground
less opinions ; that one Faith, one Lord, one Baptism, may in
all places be uniformly professed, as Thy Church is, and can
be but one. And grant, good Lord, that I may be, and con
tinue, a faithful, living, and a working member under Christ
the Head, in that Church the Body, all the days of my life,
and through the hour of my death, through the merits, and
by the grace, of the same Jesus Christ, our Lord and only
Saviour. Amen.
O merciful God, bless this particular Church in which I Pro Eccle-
live ; make it, and all the members of it, sound in faith, and cSari! rt
holy in life, that they may serve Thee, and Thou bless them,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Lord, bless our most gracious Sovereign, treasure up in Pro Rege.
him all Thy hidden blessings, make him and keep him a de
voted servant to Thee, a constant patron of the Church and
truth that he may live long, and be full of honourable suc
cess all his days, in his person, in his actions, in his queen,
in his children, in his servants, in his people, and crowned
with glory after life ; and in that good time that shall be best
both for him and us, make him a joyful father of happy and
successful children. Under him bless the whole state, eccle
siastical and civil, that righteousness and peace may kiss each
other, and we serve and honour Thee for ever. Amen.
Good Lord, bless all the places to which Thou hast made Pro Ami-
cis et Con
sanguineis.
me have any nearer reference, the place where I was born, C1
&c. ; every soul contained in any of these, all my friends,
kindred, acquaintance, any unto whom Thou hast made me
8 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
any way beholding; especially my nearer and my bosom
friends,, Dr. - - &c. All those, &c. Lord, I beseech Thee,
forgive me and them all our sins, and continue us Thy servants
both in life and death. Amen.
Pro Gracious Father, bless my servants, and make them Thine ;
Servis b . g| ye t j iem g race to serve Thee first, then me, with faithfulness,
soberness, and diligence. Make me ever willing, and in some
measure able, to repay unto them the time and the strength
which they either have or shall spend to do me service, even
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Pro Afflic- O Lord, bless all the afflicted members of the body of Thy
Son, wheresoever, howsoever afflicted. Send them constant
[lib.] ii patience or speedy deliverance, as seems best to Thee, and is
vers. Leg. best for them, according to their several wants and necessities
etpr P net - whatsoever; (particularly, &c.) And do unto them according
to all those mercies which I would or should desire Thou
shouldst show to my own soul, if at any time Thou shalt be
pleased to make my estate as theirs is at this present. And,
O Lord, be merciful. Amen.
Pro Omni- Blessed Father, bless all sorts of men in their particulars ;
Inimicis! 11 mme enemies with the forgiveness of sins : turn their hearts,
that they may no longer hate Thy servant ; and if they will
not be turned, deliver me not over, I beseech Thee, into their
power. And next after the salvation of my soul, I humbly
beg it, deliver me not into the hands of men, to the shame or
scorn of the world. Amen.
Submissio O Domine Jesu! Da quod jubes, et jube quod vis d . Facias
animam meam paratam in adventum Tuum, veni quando
vis. Des mihi ad minimum sufficientem, si placet pacatis-
simam patientiam, et veni quomodo vis, O Tu, qui salus es
b [The interest which. Abp. Laud Mr. Adam Torless, my ancient, loving,
felt for his servants, may be illus- and faithful servant, then my steward,
trated by reference to his Diary : after he had served me full forty-two
"1624. Oct. 2. Saturday. In the years, died, to my great loss and
evening, at Mr. Windebancks, my grief." See also his remembrances of
ancient servant, Adam Torless, fell them in his will, (Works, vol. iv.)]
into a swoon; and we had much ado c [Op., torn. viii. col. 895. A.]
to recover him, but, I thank God, we d [S. Aug. Conf. lib. x. cap. xxix.
did." "1641. Sept. 23. Thursday. ( 40.) Op., torn. i. col. 312. D.]
OFFICIUM QUOTIDIANUM. 9
omnium sperantium in Te. Et insuper iiiterpone, obsecro,
O Domine Jesu, mortem, crucem, passionem, meritum et
sanguinem Tuum inter judicium Tuum et animam meam,
nunc et semper, et prsecipue in hora mortis mea3. Quse mors Hora Mor-
(obnixe precor) nunquam sit subitanea, nunquam adveniat tls>
et inveriiat me imparatum ; nunquam ita adveniendo sseviat,
quin ut retineam fidem, spem, et charitatem, memoriam et
intellectum sanum usque ad extremum halitum. Et esto
mihi in Deum protectorem. Des peccatis meis misericordiam
et veniam, Ecclesia3 tuse pacem et concordiam, mihi pecca-
torum primo gratiam in hac vita et gloriam in futura. Ita,
ita venias, O Domine Jesu, et miserere mei. Amen.
Lord, here I am, do with me as seems best in Thine own
eyes; only give me, I humbly beseech Thee, a penitent and
a patient spirit to expect Thee. Amen.
Lord, make my service acceptable to Thee while I live, and
my soul ready for Thee when I die. Amen.
Our Father, which art in heaven, &e.
10 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS,
SUNDAY.
HORA PRIM A,
i. e. MANE.
O LORD, by Thy mercy I am risen out of my grave, where
I might have slept in death, but that Thou preservedst me.
Make it, I beseech Thee, a resurrection to grace in this life,
and to glory in the life to come, through Jesus Christ, Who
merited both for us. Amen.
This day by the resurrection of Thy Son, our blessed Sa
viour, was made holy to us ; give me that grace that I may
keep it holy to Thee, through Jesus Christ. Amen.
Psal. xliii. O send out Thy light and Thy truth, that they may lead
me, and bring me unto Thy holy hill, and to Thy dwelling ;
that I may go unto the altar of Thee, O my God, even the
God of my joy and gladness, and give thanks unto Thee.
Amen.
Domin. ii. Almighty and everlasting God, who governest all things
Epiph. both in heaven and earth, mercifully hear my supplications
for myself and all Thy people ; and grant us Thy peace all the
days of our life, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Advent. Almighty God, I humbly beseech Thee, give me grace to
cast away the works of darkness, and to put on the armour
of light now in the time of this mortal life, in which Thy
Son Christ Jesus came to visit us in great humility, that in
the last day, when He shall come again in His glorious majesty
to judge both the quick and the dead, I with all Thy faithful
servants may rise up to the life immortal, through Him who
liveth and reigneth with Thee and the Holy Ghost, now and
for ever. Amen.
Domin. ii. Blessed God, which hast caused all holy Scriptures to be
written for our learning, grant unto me and all Christians,
that we may in such wise hear, read, mark, learn, and in
wardly digest them, that by patience and comfort thereof, we
SUNDAY. 11
may embrace and ever hold fast the blessed hope of everlast
ing life, which Thou hast given us in our Saviour Jesus Christ.
Amen.
Lord, I humbly beseech Thee, raise up Thy power and come Dom. iv.
among us, and with great might succour us ; that whereas by
our sins we are sore let and hindered, Thy bountiful grace
and mercv, through the satisfaction of Thy Son our Lord,
may speedily deliver us ; to Whom with Thee and the Holy
Ghost, be all honour and glory, world without end. Amen.
HORA TERTIA,
SIVE NONA MATUTINA.
Lord, let Thine angels tarry round about me, and deliver Ps. xxxiv.
me ; that I may taste and see how gracious Thou my Lord
art, and how blessed the man is that trusteth in Thee ; through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
I will wait for Thy loving-kindness, O God, in the midst of Ps. xlviii.
Thy temple, and there will I praise Thee. Amen.
Lord, let me behold Thee in Thy sanctuary, and there see Ps. Ixiii. 3.
Thy power and glory. For Thy loving-kindness is better than
life, therefore my lips shall praise Thee. Thus will I magnify
Thee all my life, and lift up my hands in Thy Name. O satisfy
me with that riches of mercy which is in Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
O how amiable are Thy dwellings, Thou Lord of hosts ! My Ps. Ixxxiv.
soul hath a desire and a longing to enter into the courts of
Thee, O Lord; my heart and my flesh rejoiceth in Thee,
O merciful God. Amen.
Lord, I humbly beseech Thee to hear and accept my prayers Domin. i.
for myself, and for Thy people which call upon Thee ; and
grant that we may perfectly know what things we ought to
do, and also have grace and power faithfully to fulfil the same,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Almighty and everlasting God, mercifully look upon all my Domin. iii.
infirmities ; and in all dangers and adversities, stretch out P? 8 .* \
Thy right hand to help and defend me, through Jesus CJirist
our Lord. Amen.
12 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Domin. iv. God, Thou which knowest us to be set in the midst of so
f h many and great dangers, that for man s frailty we cannot
always stand upright ; grant, I most humbly beseech Thee,
to me the health of body and soul, that all those things
which I suffer for sin, I may by Thy help well pass and over
come, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
HORA SEXTA,
i.e. MERIDIE.
O Lord, the sun is at height for this day upon me, but lift
up the light of Thy countenance, and I shall be whole. Make
all darkness and spiritual shadows short upon me, and shorter
in me, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Psal. xix. Who can tell how oft he offendeth ? O cleanse Thou me
Priesum- ^ rom m ^ secret sms > keep me ^ so > ^ Lord, from presump-
ptio. tuous sins, lest they get the dominion over me ; and keep me
innocent from the great offence, I humbly beseech Thee.
Amen.
Ps. Ixxxiv. Blessed are they that dwell in Thy house, they will be
alway praising Thee. Blessed is the man whose strength is
in Thee, in whose heart are Thy ways. Lord, thus bless the
heart of Thy servant, for Jesus Christ s sake. Amen.
[S. Greg.] O sancta, adoranda, et longanimis Trinitas ! Longanimis
OraTxIii a enim es, quse eos, a quibus scinderis, tarn diu toleras. O Tri-
Charitas. nitas, cujus ego ut cultor ac minime fictus praeco essem, jam
pridem dignus habitus sum ; O Trinitas omnibus aliquando
vel per illuminationem vel per pcenam agnoscenda ! Oro te,
ut hos quoque qui nunc contumeliis Te amciunt, adoratores
accipias, ne quisquam vel ex minimis pereat ; et hoc, etiamsi
mihi propterea aliqua gratise jactura facienda sit. Neque
enim tantum dicere audeo, quantum Apostolus. Concede
autem hoc per et propter merita Jesu Christi Redemptoris
nostri. Amen.
Domin. Almighty God, who through Thine only begotten Son
Pasch.
Pro Gratia.
Jesus Christ, hast overcome death, and opened to us the gate
of everlasting life ; I humbly beseech Thee, that as by Thy
special grace preventing me, Thou dost put into my mind
[Op., torn. i. pp. 212. D. 213. A.]
SUNDAY. 13
good desires; so by Thy continual help, I may bring the
same to good effect, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Almighty God, who hast given Thine only Son to die for Dom. i.
our sins, and to rise again for our justification ; give me p^scha
grace so to put away the leaven of malice and all wickedness, Contra
that I may always serve Thee in pureness of living and in Malltiam -
truth, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Almighty God, who hast given Thine only Son to be unto Domin. ii.
us both a sacrifice for sin, and an example of godly life ; give p^cha
me grace that I may always most thankfully receive that
inestimable benefit, and also daily endeavour to follow the
blessed steps of His most holy life, even for the same Thy
Son Jesus Christ .His sake. Amen.
.HORA NONA,
i. e. TERTIA POMERIDIANA.
Lord, give me that grace, that I may hold me still by Psal.
Thee, and abide patiently upon Thee ; that I may not grieve XXXV11<
myself at the man whose way doth prosper, nor against him
that doth after evil counsels; that I may leave off from
wrath, and let go displeasure, lest I fret myself and be
moved to do evil. Amen.
Tribuat hie mihi Dominus, ut in me, pro me, fiat ignis Paulinus
consumens : et ardeat hoc isrne cor meum in lumen seternum 5 p . ist : H"
e Prmcip.
mihi, ne eodem ardeat anima mea in pcenam perennem ; per
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
O Lord, make me like a green olive-tree in Thy house ; Psal. lii. 8.
for I trust in Thy tender mercy for ever ; and I will always
praise Thee for that Thou hast done, and hope in Thy Name
for ever. Amen.
O Lord, I beseech Thee, make me remember how much more Pro Me-
than other men I have need to call upon Thee. My charge is lpso *
great, and my strength little ; O give me grace to come often
before Thee, and to ask that help, which Thou art readier to
give than I to ask ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
b [Ep. xxviii. 1. col. 172. A. ed. Veronae, 1736.]
14 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Psal.ix.13. Have mercy upon me, O Lord ; consider the troubles
feS.* 4 which I suffer of them that hate me, O Thou which didst lift
me up from the gates of death. Amen.
Pro omni Q Lord, increase in me faith and devotion ; replenish my
heart with all goodness, and by Thy great mercy keep me in
the same. Give me godly zeal in prayer, true humility in
prosperity, perfect patience in adversity, and continual joy in
the Holy Ghost ; even for Jesus Christ His sake, my only
Lord and Saviour. Amen.
Pentecost. O GOD, who hast taught the hearts of Thy faithful people
by sending to them the light of Thy Holy Spirit ; grant me
by the same Spirit to have aright judgment in all things, and
evermore to rejoice in His holy comfort, through the merits
of Christ Jesus our Saviour, who liveth and reigneth with
Thee, in the unity of the same Spirit, one God, world without
end. Amen.
Domin. Almighty and everlasting God, who hast given unto Thy
servants grace by the confession of true faith d to acknow
ledge the glory of the eternal Trinity, and in the power of
the Divine Majesty to worship the Unity; I humbly beseech
Thee, bless me also, that I may live in the steadfastness of this
faith, and through it be evermore defended from all ghostly
and bodily dangers, for Thy mercies sake, who livest and
reignest, one God, world without end. Amen.
YESPERI.
Dan.ix.19. O my God, incline thine ear and hear, open thine eyes and
see. O Lord, forgive ; O Lord, consider and do it, for Thine
own sake, O my God; and for my Saviour Jesus Christ his
sake. Amen.
Psal. xlix. Lord, let me not be afraid, though one be made rich, or
Patientia. ^^ the glory of his house be increased; for he shall carry
T A i A . U f. USt U - Dies erat Veneris Mr. Francis Windebanck ; there I lay
-1 fell sick upon the way towards the in a most grievous burning fever till
Court at Woodstock; I took up my Monday, Sept. 7." Diary. A D 16291
lodgings at my ancient friend s house, d [ of the true faith Ed 1663 ]
SUNDAY. 15
nothing away with him when he dieth, neither shall his
pomp follow him. But ever make me afraid to offend Thee.
Amen.
Mine eyes long sore for Thy word, saying, When wilt Thou p sa i. cxix.
comfort me ? Lord, comfort me, for I am become like a 82>
bottle in the smoke ; yet let me not, I beseech Thee, forget
Thy law, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Lord God, which seest that I put not my trust in any Domin.
thing that I do j mercifully grant that I may be defended Sex . a ~
against all adversity, through Jesus Christ my Lord and only Contra
Saviour. Amen. Adversi-
tatem.
O Lord, which hast taught us, that all our doings without Domin.
charity are nothing worth ; send Thy Holy Ghost, and pour g e ^i^ a
into my heart that most excellent gift of charity, the very p ro Chari-
bond of peace and all virtues, without the which whosoever tate>
liveth is counted dead before Thee ; grant this for Thy only
Son Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
COMPLETOBIUM. rp
O Lord, fill me with grace that I may fulfil all the service before 8
which I owe Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen, bed-time.
O Lord God, spare, I beseech Thee ; who shall raise up Amos vii.
Jacob ? for he is small. Spare him, therefore, O Lord ; spare
Thy people, spare me. Say unto my soul, Thou hast repented
of the evil intended, and it shall not be. Amen.
Lord, when I am asleep let me not be made afraid ; but Prov. iii.
let my sleep be sweet, that I may be enabled to serve Thee. | omnus .
Grant, I beseech Thee, most merciful Father, that I, who Domin. iv.
for my evil deeds am worthily punished, may by the comfort ^ uadra
of Thy grace be mercifully relieved, through Jesus Christ our
Lord and Saviour. Amen.
BED-TIME,
ET NOCTE, SI VIQILES.
Consider and hear me, O Lord my God ; lighten mine eyes, Psal.xiii.3.
that I sleep not in death. Amen.
16 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Psal. xvii. O Lord ; Thou hast proved and visited my heart, in the
night season Thou hast tried me. O blessed Father, purge
me, that Thou mayest find no wickedness in me ; through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Psal. cxix. O Lord, hear me, that seven times a day I may praise
Thee ; and be acquainted with that great peace, which they
have that love Thy law. Amen.
Domin. v. O Lord, from whom all good things do come, grant unto
Pascha me ^7 num ^le servant, that by Thy holy inspiration I may
Cogita- think those things that are good, and by Thy merciful guiding
may also perform the same, through our Lord Jesus Christ.
Amen.
MONDAY. 1 7
MONDAY.
MANE.
PONDER my words, O Lord, consider my meditations. Psal. v. 1,
O hearken unto the voice of my calling, my King and my 2> 3>
God ; for unto Thee will I make my prayer. My voice shalt
Thou hear betimes, O Lord : early in the morning will I
direct my prayer unto Thee, and will look up. But make
me remember, that Thou art God, and hast no pleasure in
wickedness, neither shall any evil dwell with Thee. Amen.
O Lord, bless me, and I will sing unto Thee, and praise p sa l. xcvi.
Thy name, and be telling of Thy salvation from day to day. ^ .
Amen.
O Lord, let counsel preserve me, and understanding keep Prov. ii.
me. Deliver me from the evil way, and from the man that n [ 13 ;1
speaketh froward things; and from all such as leave the
ways of righteousness to walk in the ways of darkness : even
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Lord, I know the way of man is not in himself. It is Jerem. x.
no
not in man that walketh to direct his own steps. Therefore,
O Lord, I beseech Thee, make me know my way, and direct Yiarum
my steps to Thy honour and my own salvation, through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
HORA TERTIA.
Be not wroth with me, O Lord, but spare me, and have 2Esdr.viii.
A\ ^1
mercy upon me, for Thou wilt be merciful unto Thy creature. |? .
O Lord, I and my fathers have all had the same sickness ; cordia.
but, because of us that are sinners, Thou shalt be called
merciful ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O Lord, guide me here with Thy counsel, and after that Psal.
receive me into glory. For whom have I in heaven but * xm
J Consilium.
Thee ? and there is none upon earth that I desire in com
parison of Thee. O Lord, preserve me in those longings after Sitire
Thee. Amen.
LAUD. VOL. III. p
18 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Psal. cxix. O God, take from me the way of lying, and cause me to
29. [32.]
Yeritas.
29- [32.] ma k e muc h O f Thy law ; that I may choose the way of truth,
and lay Thy judgments before me : that I may stick unto Thy
Obedi- testimonies, and run the way of Thy commandments, when
pntisi
Thou hast set my heart at liberty. Amen.
Domin. i. O God, the strength of all them that trust in Thee, mer
cifully accept my prayers ; and because the weakness of man s
pro Gratia, nature can do no good thing without Thee, grant me the help
of Thy grace, that in keeping of Thy commandments I may
please Thee both in will and in deed, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
HORA SEXTA.
Tobit iii. O Lord, Thou art just, and all Thy ways are mercy and
truth; Thou judgest truly for ever; remember me and
look upon me ; punish me not according to my sins, or my
ignorances, or my fathers, which have sinned before Thee;
deal not with me according to my sins, but as seemeth
best unto Thee, O Lord, my strength and my salvation.
Amen.
Jerem.xiv. Lord, I acknowledge my wickedness, and the iniquity of
Venia. my fatners > we nave sinned against Thee, O Lord, be mer
ciful. Amen.
Liturg. Remember not, Lord, our offences, nor the offences of our
forefathers ; neither take Thou vengeance of our sins ; spare
us, good Lord, spare Thy people whom Thou hast redeemed
with Thy most precious blood, and be not angry with us for
ever. Amen.
Domin. Lord, I beseech Thee mercifully to hear me ; and as Thou
TrinT ftast iven me an hearty desire to pray, so grant that by Thy
fensione ^^ aid * ma y be defend ed both in soul and in body,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Ernf Ug I)omine > acci P e > qnseso, quas offero preces, dona quod
xv-m. de r gj excusa quod timeo; quia Tu per Christum Tuum es
Sanctis.* un i C a S pes peccatorum, et per Eum spero veniam delictorum.
Amen.
3 T h i iS ^ a ^P 1 8 Sermon, and Appendix. (Serm. cxciv. Op., torn. v.
placed by the Bened. Edit, in the ool 9.<Ufi \\ Th* r ^ ^ fh.
MONDAY. 19
HORA NONA.
O Lord,, be gracious unto me, and give me an heart to 2 Mace. i.
worship Thee, and to do Thy will ; and open my heart in 3 4) 5
Thy law, and send me peace ; hear my prayers, and be Miseri-
reconciled to me, and never forsake me in the time of trouble, cc
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Remember me, O Lord, according to the favour that Thou Psal.cvi.4.
bearest unto Thy people. O visit me with Thy salvation, Remember
that I may see the felicity of Thy chosen, and rejoice in the
gladness of Thy people, and give thanks with Thine inhe
ritance. Amen.
O God, the Protector of all that trust in Thee, without Dom. iv.
whom nothing is strong, nothing is holy ; increase and P<
multiply upon me Thy mercy, that Thou being my ruler and
guide, I may so pass through things temporal, that I finally
lose not the things eternal. Grant this, O heavenly Father,
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Grant, O Lord, that I may live in Thy fear, die in Thy
favour, rest in Thy peace, rise in Thy power, reign in Thy
glory; for Thy only beloved Son s sake, Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
VESPERI.
Hear, O Lord, consider my complaint, hearken unto my Psal. xvii.
prayer, that groeth not out of feigned lips : and prevent me
, f ,, . f , * Exaudire,
in mercy, before the evening of my days close up upon me ;
even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Domine ! oro Te, ultra se infirmitas mea non tendat, S. Hilar.
sed loquatur hoc solum, in quo animaa salus est. Neque in jfe TrS p
id stultitise simul et impietatis unquam erumpam, ut omni- 195 b .
potentise Tuse et Sacramentorum arbiter esse velim. Neque
permittas me erigere infirmitatis mere sensum ultra aut
infinitatis Tuse religiosam opinionem, aut significatam mihi
set emit atis Tuse fidem. Amen.
original, addressed to the Blessed being the day after the Feast of her
Virgin, and as such is read in the Nativity.]
Roman Breviary, as the fourth Lesson b [Op., coll. 1139. F. 1140. A.B.
in the second Nocturn, on Sept. ix., Paris. 1693.]
C 2
20
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Coll. Vesp.
proAuxilio
contra
omnia Pe-
ricula.
Nox.
Dom. vi.
post Trin.
Obe-
dientia.
Illumina, quseso, Domine, tenebras nostras, et totius noctis
hujus insidias a me et omnibus fidelibus Tuis, ab animabus
prrecipue, sed et a corporibus nostris repelle propitius, per
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
O God, which hast prepared for them that love Thee, such
good things as pass man s understanding; pour into my
heart such love towards Thee, that I obeying Thee in all
things, may obtain Thy promises, which exceed all that I can
desire, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Psal. xvii.
Defensio.
Psal. cxli.
2.
Exaudire.
Psal.
xxviii. 8.
Gratiee.
Dom. vii.
post Trin.
Religio.
THE COMPLINE.
Incline Thine ear unto me, O Lord, and hearken unto my
words. Shew Thy marvellous loving-kindness, Thou that
art the Saviour of them that put their trust in Thee. Keep
me as the apple of Thine eye, and hide me under the shadow
of Thy wings, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Lord, I cry unto Thee, let my prayer be set forth in
Thy sight as incense, and the lifting up of my hands be an
evening sacrifice, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
The Lord is my strength and my shield, my heart hath
trusted in Him, and I am helped : therefore my heart
danceth for joy, and in my song will I praise Him. Amen.
O Lord of all power and might, who art the author and
giver of all good things, graft in my heart the love of Thy
name, increase in me true religion, nourish me with all
goodness, and of Thy great mercy keep me in the same,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Psal.
xxxix. 5,
&c.
Mors.
BED-TIME,
ET NOCTE, SI VIGILES.
Lord, let me know my end, and the number of my days,
that I may be certified how long I have to live. Behold,
Thou hast made my days as it were a span long, and my age
is even as nothing in respect of Thee ; and verily every man
living is altogether vanity. For man walketh in a vain
shadow, and disquieteth himself in vain: he heapeth up
riches, and cannot tell who shall gather them. And now,
MONDAY. 21
Lord, what is my hope ? Truly, my hope is even in Thee.
Deliver me from all mine offences, and make me not a
rebuke to the foolish, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Domine ! Mea omnia et meipsum Tibi dono et offero, [S.JGregor.
actionem et sermonem, quietem et silentium. Tan turn me
habeas, et ducas ; et manum et mentem et linguam, ad ea quse Submissio
honesta sunt et Tibi grata, moveas ; et ab omnibus, a quibus meil P slus -
abstinere praestat, abducas. Per, et propter, Jesum Christum
Dominum nostrum. Amen.
c [Op., torn. i. p. 145. D.]
22
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Psal.i.1,2.
Prseserva-
tio.
Erasmus."
Tllumina-
tio.
Prov.iii.26,
Dom. ix.
post Trin.
Cogita-
tiones.
Gratia.
TUESDAY.
MANE.
LORD, preserve me, that neither this day, nor any day of
my life, I may walk in the counsel of the ungodly, stand in
the way of sinners, or sit down in the seat of the scornful ;
but that my delight may be in Thy law, O Lord, and my
exercise in it day and night. Amen.
O Sol justitise, Pater et Origo omnium, Tuo sidere afflari
reviviscere est, Tuo foveri lumine proficere est, Tuis accendi
flam mis perfici est, abs Te deseri perire est. O ter felices,
quibus mitis et roscidus exoreris. Bees me, O Domine Jesu,
lumine Tuo, et discute nebulas ignorantise mese, et caliginem
peccatorum meorum : ut non aberrans a via mandatorum
Tuorum, Te sequar in lumen seternum, per Teipsum unicum
Salvatorem et Redemptorem meum. Amen.
O Lord, Thou art my assurance ; I humbly beseech Thee
preserve my foot from taking, even for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
O Lord, give me, I beseech Thee, the spirit to think and
do always such things as be rightful ; that I who cannot be
without Thee, may by Thee be able to live according to Thy
will, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
HORA TERTIA.
Ps. xxv. 1. O Lord, I lift up my soul to Thee ; my God, I have
Pro omnis m ? tmst in Tnee ; O let me not be confounded, neither let
Generis mine enemies triumph over me. Shew me Thy ways, O God,
and teach me Thy paths. Lead me forth iri Thy truth, and
learn me, for Thou art the God of my salvation"; in Thee is
my hope all the day long. Call to remembrance, O Lord,
Thy tender mercies and Thy loving-kindness, which hath
[Vid. Precat. ad Yirginis Filium J. C. Op., torn. v. col. 1210. F. 1211. B.]
TUESDAY. 23
been ever of old. O remember not the sins and offences of
my youth, or iny riper age ; but according to Thy mercy
think Thou upon me, O Lord, for Thy goodness, and the
merits of Jesus Christ my Saviour. Amen.
Almighty God, who seest that we have no power of our- Domm. ii.
selves to help ourselves, keep me, I beseech Thee, both out- Q ua _J a es -
wardly in my body, and inwardly in my soul, that so I may servatione.
be defended from all adversity which may happen to my
body, and from all evil thoughts which may assault and hurt
my soul, through Jesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour.
Amen.
HORA SEXTA.
Hearken unto my voice, O Lord, now I cry unto Thee : Ps. xxvii.
811.
Exaudire.
have mercy upon me, and hear me. My heart hath talked 8
of Thee. Seek ye My face; Thy face, Lord, will I seek.
O hide not Thou Thy face from me, nor cast Thy servant
away in displeasure. Thou hast been my succour, leave me
not, neither forsake me, O God of my salvation. Amen.
At evening, morning, and at noonday will I pray, and Ps. lv. 18.
that instantly: Lord, hear my voice. O deliver my soul in jjpist. 17.
peace from the practices that are against me. Amen. P- I8i b -
ance.
Let Thy merciful ears, O Lord, be open to the prayers of Dom. x.
me Thy humble servant ; and that I may obtain my petitions, pos
make me to ask such things as shall please Thee, through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
HORA NONA.
Lord, let me not be confounded, for I have called upon p s . xxxi.
Thee. O how plentiful is Thy goodness, which Thou hast li
laid up for them that fear Thee, and that Thou hast prepared GloriaDeo
for them that put their trust in Thee, even before the sons
of men ! Lord, I trust in Thee, have mercy upon me.
b [" Eructabunt labia nostra hym- Paulin. Epist. xix. 1. Op., col.
num vespere, mane et meridie."- 104. D.]
24
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Dora. iii.
Obedien
Ps. xlii. 3. My tears have been my meat day and night, while they
dail y sa y unto me ; Wnere is now thy God But let tnem
have no cause to say it any more, even for Jesus Christ His
sake. Amen.
Almighty God,, which showest to all men that are in error
the K s ht of Th y tmth to tne intcnt that the y mav return
into the way of righteousness, grant, I beseech Thee, unto
me and all them that are admitted into the fellowship of
Christ s religion, that we may eschew those things which are
contrary to our profession, and follow all such things as
are agreeable to the same, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
S. Ambros.
Ps. cxvm
Venia.
Ps-xci. i.
tatem.
YESPERI.
O Domine Salvator, qui habes in potestate peccatum sol-
vere ; dicas m ihi> oro, Exi de vinculis tuis, exi de nexibus
peccatorum tuorum, et dicendo solve funes errorum meorum
quibus circumdatus et ligatus sum. Etsi enim nequissimus
sim omnium et detestabilis usu peccatorum, Te tamen jubente
liber ero. Amen.
Lord, give me grace that I may dwell under the defence of
the Most Highest, and that I may abide under Thy shadow,
O Thou Almighty : for Thou art my hope and my strong
hold, in Thee will I trust, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
G d Th U which declares t Thy Almighty power most
chiefly by showing mercy and pity, give unto me abundantly
Thy grace, that I running to Thy promises, may be made
partaker of Thy heavenly treasure, through Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
COMPLETORIUM.
P S .xlvi.i. O God, Thou art my hope and strength, a very present
L-uilimn. help in trouble. Confirm me, that I may not fear, though
the earth be moved, and the hills carried into the midst of
{ though the waters thereof rage and swell, and the
c [ 40. Op., torn. i. coll. 1070. F. 1071. A.]
TUESDAY. 25
mountains shake at the tempest of the same. O be in the
midst of my soul, and I shall never be moved. Amen.
O Lord, look upon me, and be merciful unto me, as Ps. cxix.
Thou usest to do to those that fear Thy name. Order my J^M. 13
steps in Thy word, and so shall no wickedness have dominion cordia.
over me. Amen.
Almighty God, give unto me, I beseech Thee, a full in- Dom. xiv.
crease of faith, hope, and charity ; and that I may obtain s
that which Thou dost promise, make me love that which oinne.
Thou dost command, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
BED-TIME,
ET NOCTE, SI VIGILES.
Lord, I call upon Thee in the day of my trouble, in the Ps. 1. 15.
night of my heaviness. O deliver me, and I will glorify
Thee. Amen.
O Lord, correct me, but with judgment; not in Thyjer. x. 21.
anger, lest Thou bring me to nothing. And grant that
Thy correction may amend me, and make me Thine, through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Ameri.
Respice me quoque, O Domine Jesu ! ut propria possim [Vid.] S.
recognoscere peccata, et fletibus piis culpas solvere. Da, p^,.] y
quseso, lacrymas Petri : nolo Igetitiam peccatoris. Utque hoc Hexam.
._ . . .
fiat, respice Tu, et des ut mihi etiam misernmo peccatorum
aliquis gallus cantet ; ut liberatus Tibi cantem in ssecula tia -
sseculorum . Amen .
O eternal God and merciful Father, grant, I humbly Dom. iv.
beseech Thee, that I may love all those things which Thou
commandest, and desire that which Thou dost promise; that entia.
among the sundry and manifold changes of the world, my
heart may surely there be fixed, where true joys are to be
found ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
d [ 89, 90. Op., torn. i. coll. 112. F. 113. A.]
26
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
WEDNESDAY.
MANE.
Baruch ii.
12. 14.
Pceniten-
tia.
O LORD, I have sinned, and dealt wickedly, nay, offended
Thee in all Thine ordinances. Let Thy wrath turn from me,
for I am Aveak; and hear my prayers, and deliver me for
Thine own sake, and the merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ.
Amen.
Gracious Father, without Thee I can do nothing but sin ;
nor can I confess it, to have pardon, but by Thee a . I was
conceived and born in sin : and though Thou didst wash me
from that in the laver of Baptism, yet I have since defiled
myself again, and by many grievous actual sins have made
myself a sinner above all other men, considering the great
measure of grace that Thou hast given me. Lord, increase
Thy grace, and by it weaken first, and then cut off my
resistance, that I may see, and confess, and hate, and for
sake all my sins, and find mercy and salvation in the merits
of my blessed Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen.
O Lord, early this morning do I cry unto Thee, for in
Thy word is my trust. Hear me, O Lord, for Jesus Christ
His sake. Amen.
Ps.cxliii.8. O Lord, let me hear Thy loving-kindness betimes in the
morning, for in Thee is my trust. O shew me the way that
I should walk in this day, and all the days of my life ; for
I lift up my soul unto Thee in the mercies of Jesus Christ.
Amen.
Ps. cxix.
147.
Exaudire.
HORA TERTIA.
Ps. xxxix. Deliver me, O Lord, from all mine offences, and make me
not a rebuke to the foolish. For man walketh in a vain
shadow, and disquieteth himself in vain. But, Lord, what is
my hope? truly, my hope is even in Thee. And there let
it still continue acceptable in Jesus Christ, our Lord and
only Saviour. Amen.
a [The punctuation of this clause taken from Edit. 1663.]
Spes.
WEDNESDAY. 27
O Lord, look upon me in mercy ; in the greater mercy, Pomitcn-
because tlie calling and place I am in must give a stricter tia>
account to Thee. Look therefore upon me, O Lord, but not
till Thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ ; not till
Thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ ; not till I have
hid myself in the Wounds of Christ ; that so the punishment,
which should else overtake me, may pass over me : then
look, and say unto my soul, I have forgiven thee; and by
the work of Thy mercy in my soul make me feel it, through
Jesus Christ, our only Lord and Saviour. Amen.
O Domine, qui magnos greges perficis, et parvos per gra- [S.] Gr.
tiam auges, pro amplissima benignitate Tua copiose me con- g
solare, et gregem meum mecum et pasce et conserva : per pag. I44 b .
Jesum Christum summum Pastorem, et Salvatorem nostrum.
Amen.
HORA SEXTA.
O Lord, plead Thou my cause with them that strive with Pa. xxxv.
me, and fight against them that fight against me. Bring j)efensio
forth the spear, and stop the way against them that perse
cute me. Say unto my soul, I am thy salvation. Even so.
Amen.
Give ear, O Lord, unto my prayer, and ponder the voice Ps. Ixxxvi.
of my humble desires. In the time of my trouble I will call jjxaudire
upon Thee, for Thou nearest me. Amen.
Deliver my soul, O God, from lying lips, and from a Ps. cxx. 2.
deceitful tongue. Amen. ^e^"
Keep me, O Lord, Thy poor humble servant, with Thy Dom. xv.
perpetual mercy ; and because the frailty of man without pos
Thee cannot but fall, preserve me ever by Thy help, and
lead me to all things profitable to my salvation; through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
HOEA NONA.
O Lord, give me such grace as I may seek Thee while Esai. lv. 6,
Thou mayest be found, and call upon Thee while Thou art p
near ; that I may detest and forsake the wickedness of my tia -
b [Op., torn. i. p. 141. C.]
28 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
ways, and the unrighteousness of my own imaginations ; that
I may return unto Thee, and Thou have mercy upon me, in
Jesus Christ my only Saviour and Eedeemer. Amen.
Ps. ixxxvi. Teach me Thy ways, O Lord, and I will walk in Thy
truth. O knit my heart unto Thee, that I may fear Thy
Timor Dei. J
name. Amen.
Dom. xvii. Lord, I beseech Thee, grant that Thy grace may alway
)s ri ? prevent and follow me, and make me continually to be given
to all good works, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
VESPERI.
Ps. li. i, Have mercy upon me, O God, after Thy great goodness,
Pceniten an ^ accol> ding * the multitude of Thy mercies do away mine
tia. offences. Wash me throughly from my wickedness, and
cleanse me from my sin : for I acknowledge my faults, and
my sin is ever before me. But let not this evening take
from me the light of the Sun of Righteousness, Jesus Christ
my Saviour. Amen.
S.Aug. O Domine, exaudire dignare preces meas in beneplacito
de Verb. Tuo. Inimicum ab actibus meis et cogitationibus virtute Tua
Dom.,et expelle. Multiplica mihi fidem, guberna mentem, spirituales
de Diver- cogitationes concede (super stratum vigilanti,) et ad beatitu-
Bis, et Ser. ^inem Tuam perducito, per Jesum Christum Filium Tuum,
Donum et Salvatorem nostrum. Amen.
omne.
Dom.xyiii. Lord, I beseech Thee, give me grace to avoid the infections
ObedienT ^ t ^ ie ^ ev ^> an ^ w ^h a pure heart and mind to follow Thee,
tia. the only true God, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
COMPLINE.
Ps. li. 17. Lord, I offer up unto Thee my evening sacrifice ; Thy
Poeniten- sacrifice, even a troubled spirit, a broken and a contrite
heart, which Thou wilt not despise, in Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
O Domine, supplex Te oro, respice me, et purga mentem
meam et cogitationes meas ab impuris concupiscentiis, et ab
< [See the prayer Conversi ad Do- this last Sermon (Op., torn v col 250
mmum," printed in full at the end of D.), and referred to in the other places.]
WEDNESDAY. 29
omni inquinameiito carnis et spiritus, ct ab omni diabolica
operatione, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
O Domine, ineffabilem misericordiam Tuam clem enter Misericor-
ostende, et simul exue me a peccatis quse commisi, et eripe ia *
me a poenis quas merui, per Christum Dominum nostrum.
Amen.
O God, forasmuch as without Thee I am not able to please Dom. xix.
Thee, grant that the working of Thy mercy may in all things post Trm -
direct and rule my heart, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
BED-TIME,
ET NOCTE, SI VIGILES.
O Lord, give me that grace that I may remember Thee PS. ixiii. 6,
upon my bed, and think upon Thee when I am waking. ^ 8l -l
Thou hast been my helper ; therefore under the shadow of
Thy wings I will hope to pass through the darkness of this Nox.
night, in the comfort of Jesus Christ, my Lord and only
Saviour. Amen.
O Lord, make mine eyes prevent the night watches, that Ps. cxix.
I may be occupied in Thy words. Amen.
O Lord, Thou which hast made the night for man to rest
in, as well as the day to labour, grant, dear Father, that I
may so take my bodily rest, that my soul may continually
watch for my deliverance out of this mortal life ; and that Somnus.
my sleep be not excessive, according to the insatiable desires
of the flesh, but sufficient to relieve and maintain nature;
to live and serve Thee in all sober and godly conversation,
through the aid and assistance of Jesus Christ, my only Lord
and Saviour. Amen.
30 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
THURSDAY.
MANE.
Ps. xvii. 5. O HOLD Thou up my goings in Thy paths, that my foot
steps slip not. Amen.
S. Aug. de Subveni, Domine mi Jesu, et accingere gladium Tuuni
ca H ^n 8 " circa femur, potentissime. Omnium potentissime, egredere :
Auxilium. occide me in me, ut vivam in Te, et desinant inimici persequi
me. Amen.
Ps. ixiii. 1. O God, Thou art my God, early will I seek Thee. My
Consolatio. soul thirsteth for Thee, my flesh longeth greatly after Thee,
in a barren and dry land, where no water is. O satisfy this
thirst with Thy freshest waters of comfort, in Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
Esai. O Lord, have mercy upon me ; I have waited for Thee :
xxxni. 2. k e Thou my arm in the morning, and my help in the time of
trouble ; that I may exalt Thy name, which dwellest on
high, that I may live in the stability of Thy times, and that
Thy fear may be my treasure, even for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
Ascensio- O Almighty God and merciful Father, grant, I beseech
nisDies. rp^ that as j do b e ii eve Tny only Son our Lord to have
ascended into the heavens ; so I, and all Thy faithful servants,
may in heart and mind thither ascend, and with Thee conti
nually dwell. Amen.
Dom. post O God, the King of Glory, who hast exalted Thine only
Son Jesus Christ with great triumph into Thy kingdom in
heaven, I beseech Thee leave neither Thy Church nor my
poor self comfortless ; but send us Thy Holy Ghost to comfort
us, and exalt us unto the same place whither our Saviour
Christ is gone before, who liveth and reigneth with Thee,
one God, world without end. Amen.
a [Op., torn. viii. Append, col. 1546. A. B.]
THURSDAY. 31
HORA TERTIA.
Hear my prayer, O God, and hide not Thyself from my Ps. lv. 2.
petition. Take heed unto me, and hear me, how I mourn in Exaudire.
my prayer, and am vexed. Give me strength and comfort
in Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O God, the proud are risen against me, and the congre- Ps. Ixxxvi.
gation of factious men have sought after my soul, and have "
not set Thee before their eyes. But Thou, Lord God, art full
of compassion and mercy, long-suffering, plenteous in good
ness and truth. O turn Thee then unto me, and have mercy
upon me : shew some token upon me for good, that they
which hate me may see it, and be ashamed, because Thou,
Lord, hast holpen me, and comforted me, in Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
Assist me mercifully, O Lord, in these, and all other my Liturg.
supplications and prayers, and dispose my ways towards the ng
attainment of everlasting salvation ; that among all the
changes and chances of this mortal life, I may ever be de
fended by Thy most gracious and ready help, through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
HORA SEXTA.
O deliver me from them whose words are softer than Ps. lv. [21,]
butter, when they have war in their heart ; and from them 22
whose words are smoother than oil, while they are very entes.
swords. Lord, I cast my burthen upon Thee, that Thou
mayest sustain me, and not suffer me to fall for ever.
Amen.
Bless me, O Lord, when Thou chastenest me, and teachest Ps. xciv.
me in Thy law ; that Thou mayest give me patience in time J, 2 ^ .
of adversity, till the pit be digged up for the ungodly. O
Lord, fail me not, neither forsake me, for I am part in Thine
inheritance in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Almighty and merciful God, of Thy bountiful goodness Dom. xx.
keep me from all things that may hurt me ; that I being p ^^
ready both in body and soul, may with a free heart accom- obedien-
plish those things that Thou wouldest have done, through tia *
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
32
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Patientia.
S. Aug.
cont. Epist.
Fimdam.
cap.
XXXVll. b
Ps. cix. 1
[-4-]
Opprobri-
Prec. Mat.
Coll. pro
Pace.
Et pro De-
fensione.
HORA NONA.
O seterne Deus, quamdiu hie in terris sum, supplex oro, in
quantum terrena mihi serviunt, doceant me esse Dominum
suum, sed a Te constitutum. In quantum molesta sunt,
doceant me servire Tibi Domino meo, cui dum non obtem-
pero, ilia in justam vindictam molesta esse solent. Ut sive
ilia mihi serviant, sive non, ego semper serviam Tibi, in et
per Jesum Christum Domiiium nostrum. Amen.
Hold not Thy tongue, O God of my praise ; for the mouth
of the ungodly, yea, and the mouth of the deceitful, is opened
upon me. And they have spoken against me with false
tongues, they compassed me about also with words of hatred,
and fought against me without a cause. But 1 give myself
unto prayer ; Lord, forgive them, and hear me. Amen.
O God, which art the Author of peace and lover of con
cord, in knowledge of whom standeth our eternal life, whose
service is perfect freedom ; defend me, and all Thy servants,
in all assaults of our enemies, that we, surely trusting in Thy
defence, may not fear the power of any adversaries, through
the might of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen,
V s : 1 ;
] Aug. de
Hseres.
cap. vii. c
Ps. cxl. 1,
Inimici.
Coll. 1.
Precum
Vespert.
Pro Pace.
VESPF.RI.
Die, O Domine mi Jesu, doce, discam a Te, quod doceam de
Te. Amen.
Deliver me, O Lord, from the man that is evil, and pre
serve me from the cruel man, which imagines mischief in his
heart, and stirs up strife all the day long. The proud have
laid a snare for me, and spread their net abroad with cords,
and set traps in my way. Lord, keep me from treacherous
hands, and preserve me, that though they purpose, yet they
may not be able to overthrow my goings, even for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
O God, from whom all holy desires, all good counsels, and
all just works do proceed, give unto me, and all Thy servants,
that peace which the world cannot give ; that both our hearts
may be set to obey Thy commandments, and also that by
Thee we being defended from the fear of our enemies, may
b [Op., torn. viii. col. 302. C.] c [Op., torn. viii. App. col. 1545. B.]
THURSDAY. 33
pass our time in rest and quietness, through the merits of
Jesus Christ our Saviour. Amen.
COMPLINE.
Have mercy upon me, O God, have mercy upon me, for Ps. ivii. 1.
my soul trusteth in Thee, and in the shadow of Thy wings Spes
will I trust, till these and all other my afflictions be overpast.
O send out Thy mercy and truth upon me, even for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
O Domine misericors, qui ad cor altum non accedis, humilia S. Aug.
animam meam. O Tu, qui non videris nisi a mundis cordi- g c a para-
bus, veram cordis munditiem dato mihi. Sitio, O Domine, disi,cap.4. d
da arrham hrereditatis futurse, saltern da guttam ccelestis Deum.
pluvise, qua refrigerare possim sitim meam, quia amore ardeo.
Nee hoc peto, Domine, propter merita mea, indignissimus
enim sum qui gustem ; sed pro misericordia Tua, et meritis
Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi. Amen.
Almighty God, vouchsafe, I beseech Thee, to direct, Liturg.
sanctify, and govern both my heart and body in the ways of n ^ 1-
Thy laws, and in the works of Thy commandments, that tio.
through Thy mighty protection, both here and ever, I may
be preserved by night and by day, in body and in soul,
through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen.
BED-TIME,
ET NOCTE, SI VIGILES.
O Lord, I cry unto Thee, hearken unto me, O God. Thou Ps. ixxvii.
boldest my eyes waking : I am so feeble that I cannot speak: 2
and in the night season my soul refuseth comfort ; yet even Tempore
then give me grace especially that I may commune with ^ente^
mine own heart, and search out my spirits, and compose
them in Thee, that I may rise to serve Thee. Amen.
Da mihi, Domine, dormitum abeunti requiem corporis et Somnus.
animse. Custodi me a caliginoso peccati somno, ab omni
tenebrosa et nocturna mollitie. Ignita maligni tela dolose in
me vibrata extinguito. Rebelliones carnis mese reprimito.
Et omnem terrenam et muiidanam in me cogitationem
sopito, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
d [Op., torn. vi. App. col. 1455. A C ]
LAUD. VOL. III. )
34 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Coll. in I humbly beseech Thee, O Father, mercifully to look upon
Anglic* mv infirmities, and for the glory of Thy name s sake, turn
from me and the rest of Thy servants, all those evils which
Defensio. we most justly have deserved : and grant that in all our
troubles we may put our whole trust and confidence in Thy
mercy, and evermore serve Thee in holiness and pureness of
living, to Thy honour and glory, through our only Mediator
and Advocate, Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
FRIDAY.
FRIDAY.
MANE.
DEUS magne, Deus omnipotens, Deus summae bonitatis, s. Aug.
quern inviolabilem et incorruptibilem credi et intelligi fas est; ^ b * \
Trina Unitas, quam Catholica Ecclesia colit, supplex oro, de Duab.
expertus in meipso misericordiam Tuam, ne homines, cum cent* 1
quibus mihi a pueritia in omni victu fuit summa consensio, Manich.
in Tuo cultu a me dissentire permittas : nee vel me vel illos a
veritate et salute, quse est in Christo Jesu. Amen.
O Lord, I will call upon Thee, and early shall my prayer Ps.
come before Thee. Lord, do not abhor my soul, neither hide
Thy face from me, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Lord, make me to have a perpetual fear and love of Thy Dom. ii.
holy name; for Thou never failest to help and govern them P ost nl
whom Thou dost bring up in Thy steadfast love. Grant this Amare
even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. Deum
Almighty and everlasting God, which of Thy tender love Parasceue.
towards man hast sent our Saviour Jesus Christ, to take Domin.
upon Him our flesh, and to suffer death upon the cross, that
all mankind should follow the example of His great humility;
mercifully grant that I may both follow the example of His
patience, and be made partaker of His resurrection, through
the same Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Almighty God, I humbly beseech Thee graciously to Coll. l.
behold Thy family, for the which our Lord Jesus Christ was ie1 .
content to be betrayed, and given up into the hands of wicked
men, and to suffer death upon the cross, who liveth and
reigneth with Thee and the Holy Ghost, one God, world
without end. Amen.
Almighty and everlasting God, by whose Spirit the whole Coll. 2.
body of the church is governed and sanctified, receive these die1
[Op., torn. i. col. 59, A. B.] b [Op., torn. viii. col. 162. C.]
D 2
36 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Pro omni- my supplications and prayers which I offer up before TheeJ
bus< for all estates of men in Thy holy church, that every memberj
of the same, in his vocation, may truly and devoutly serve
Thee, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.
IIoRA TERTIA.
S. Aug. (le Diu est, O Domine, ex quo contra haereses laboravi, et sum}
ca^r^ prene fatigatus. Veni, Domine mi Jesu, prseliator fortissime,j>
Haereses. princeps exercitus Domini, qui diabolum vicisti et sseculum.t
Apprehende arma et scutum, et exurge in adjutorium mihi.l
Amen.
Ps. cix. 20. Deal with me, O God, according to Thy name, for sweet is
ance VC1 ^hy mercy. O deliver me, for I am helpless and poor, and)
my heart is wounded within me. Lord, save my soul.
Amen.
Ps. xxv. 14. Mine eyes are ever looking unto Thee, O Lord; O pluck |
my feet out of the net. Amen.
Liturg. Almighty God, who hast promised to hear the petitions of
them that ask in Thy Son s name, I beseech Thee mercifully j
to incline Thine ears to me, now that in His name I make my |
Exaudire. prayers and supplications unto Thee ; and grant that those
things which I have faithfully asked according to Thy will,
may effectually be obtained, to the relief of my necessity,
and to the setting forth of Thy glory, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen,
HORA SEXTA.
Ps.lxxix.8. O remember not my old sins, but have mercy upon me,
and that soon, for I arn come to great misery. Help me,
O God of my salvation ; O deliver me, and be merciful unto
my sins, for Thy name s sake. Amen.
Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto Thy name
give the praise ; and that for Thy loving mercy and for Thy
truth s sake. Amen.
e et Fili et Sancte Spiritus, qui uni-
Unita. tam Deitatem nobis declarasti, et sacrosanct^ solius Divini-
c [Op., torn. viii. App. col. 1543. A. B.]
FRIDAY. 37
tatis indivisam gloriam revelasti, et perfectam Trinitatis Tuse Dcitate
sempiternitatem demonstrasti ; Da mihi, obsecro, fidem efcp 444d
obedientiam in hac vita, et gloriam in futura, per et propter Dom.
Redemptorem nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.
HORA NONA.
O Lord God of Hosts, how long wilt Thou be angry with PS. Ixxx. 4.
Thy poor servant that prayeth ? O turn me again, O God ;
shew the light of Thy countenance, and I shall be whole.
Amen.
Tibi gloria, Tibi gloria, Domine ! Quanta apud Te cle- S. Chrys-
, . , o , . ,. o -n os k lib- iii.
mentise abyssus ? quanta patientise copia ? En, qui nommis de Sacer .
Tui prsetextu ex ignobilibus et obscuris clari et illustres effecti
sunt, honore abutuntur, et contra Te, qui honorem largitus
es; audentque non audenda in sacrosancta mysteria Tua
injurii. Probos quantum possunt extrudunt, ut homines
perditis moribus prsediti summa cum quiete et licentia con-
turbent omnia. O Domine, exurge, adjuva Ecclesiam Tuam, Ecclesia.
et ne sin as animam meam in eorum consilium descendere,
per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
VESPERI.
O Lord, I will cry day and night before Thee, let my Ps.
prayer enter into Thy presence, incline Thine ear unto my l*^
calling ; for my soul is full of trouble, and my life draws Afflictio-
nigh unto the pit. O let not Thine indignation lie too hard nes
upon me, neither vex me with all Thy storms : but remember
of what mould Thou hast made me, even for Jesus Christ His
sake. Amen.
O Domine, ne sit mihi inutilis pugna verborum, sed S. Hilar.
incunctantis fidei constans professio. Conserva, oro, in me jpjjn^fl iie
fidei incontaminatam religionem. Et, usque ad excessum Fides f .
spiritus mei, hanc conscientia3 mese vocem dona mihi : ut,
quod in regenerationis mea3 symbolo baptizatus in Patre et
Filio et Spiritu Sancto professus sim, semper obtineam. Ut
d [Opus spurium apud S. Athan. e [15. Op., torn. i. p. 394. D.]
Op., torn. ii. p. 604. Paris. 1698.] f [ 56, 57. col. 1144. A. B.]
38 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Te habeam Patrem ; ut una Tecum Filium Tuum adorem, et
Spiritum Sanctum Tuum promerear, per Jesum Christum
Dominum nostrum. Amen.
COMPLINE.
Ps. xcii. O Lord, be merciful unto me, and I will sing praises unto
Thy name ; yea, I will tell of Thy loving-kindness early in
cordia. the morning, and of Thy truth in the night season. O bless
me, and fulfil all Thy works of grace in me, even for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
Dona mihi, Domine, mentem vigilem, cogitationem so-
briam, cor castum, somnum placidum, et ab omni diabolica
imaginatione liberum. Et deinde excita me, Domine, hora
orationis, ut prseceptis Tuis firmiter adha3ream, et memoriam
retineam inviolatam judiciorum Tuorum. Amen&.
BED-TIME,
ET NOCTE, SI VIGILES.
Psal. cxix. Lord, remember Thy promise unto Thy servant, wherein
Thou hast caused me to put my trust ; that Thy statutes
may be my songs in the house of my pilgrimage ; and that
I may remember Thy name in the night season. Amen.
In manus Tuas, Domine, commendo animam et corpus
meum : creasti enim et redemisti ea, Domine Deus veritatis.
Commendo autem mecum et mea omnia, Tu enim mihi gra-
tiose largitus es ilia pro beneplacito Tuo. In pace ergo me
simul cubare et dormire facias, O Domine, qui solus me habi-
tare facis secure, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum.
Amen h .
Nal G Orat omnium Domine et effector, O Deus Tuorum Pater et
x. aZ [0 P . ra Gubernator, O vitse et mortis Arbiter, O animarum Gustos et
176. [A.- Benefactor ; q ui oninia facis, et tempestive, atque, ut Ipse
C.] pro sapientise Tuse et administrationis altitudine nosti, artifice
More. sermone transmutas ! me opportune tempore Tuo suscipe,
tamdiu in came vitam meam moderatus, quamdiu conducibile
* [Conf. Lane. And rewes, Free. Priv. h FConf ibid n 234 "1
p. 230. Oxon. 1852.]
FRIDAY. 39
fuerit mihiipsi et Ecclesise. Et suscipe, quseso, ob metum
Tuum paratum, non turbatum, nee in extremo die terga
vertentem, nee invito animo tanquam abstractum aut avulsum
a mundo, sed ut prompte et alacriter ad beatam illam et seter-
nam vitam proficiscentem, quae est in Christo Jesu Domino
nostro, cui gloria in ssecula sseculorum. Amen.
O Domine Deus meus, voca me, ut accedam ad Te : firma [S.] Aug.
me, ne recedam a Te, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum.
Amen.
1 [Al. Serm. ccxxv. Op., torn. v. col. 1415. D.]
40 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
SATURDAY.
MANE.
Ps.lix. 16. O LORD, I will sing of Thy power, and will praise Thy
Laus Dei. merc y i n tne morning, for Thou hast been my defence and
my refuge in the day of my trouble. Unto Thee, O my
strength, will I sing ; for Thou, O God, art my defence, and
ray merciful God. Amen.
Ps. xc. 17. The glorious majesty of Thee, O Lord ray God, be upon
Benedic- me . p ros p er Thou the work of my hands upon me, O prosper
Thou my handy-work. Amen.
Ps.cxix.18, O Lord, open mine eyes that I may see the wonders of
;.. . Thy law. I am a stranger upon earth, O hide not Thy com-
Illumma- . . -, -, t
tio. mandments from me : for Thy testimonies are my delight and
my counsellors. Lord, continue that favour to me, that so
they may ever be. Amen.
Prec. Mat. O Lord, our heavenly Father, Almighty and everlasting
Gratia 10 God, who hast safely brought me to the beginning of this
Auxilium. day, defend me in the same with Thy mighty power, and
grant that this day I fall into no sin, nor run into any kind
of danger ; but that all my doings may be ordered by Thy
governance, to do always that which is righteous in Thy
sight, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
HORA TERTIA.
Ps.lxii.[2.] O my soul, wait thou still upon my God, for my hope is in
Him : He is my strength and my salvation, He is my defence,
5.
so that I shall not fall. So Amen, Lord Jesu, Amen.
OratioEze- O Lord God, be merciful unto every one that prepares his
2Chron. whole heart to seek Thee, O Lord God, the God of his
Impeiec- fathers tnou g n he be not according to the purification of the
tio. sanctuary. Amen.
* Lord > T walk in the midst of trouble ; I beseech Thee,
II 1. t
-. . .
Inimici. refresh me. Stretch forth Thy hand upon the fury and the
SATURDAY. 41
cunning of mine enemies, that Thy right hand may save me.
make good Thy loving-kindness towards me, and despise
not, I beseech Thee, the work of Thine own hands. Amen.
I deal with the thing that is lawful and right ; O give me Ps. cxix.
not over unto mine oppressors. Amen. Inimici.
O make me, Thy poor servant, still to delight in that which Ver. 122.
is good, that the proud do me no wrong, for Jesus Christ
His sake. Amen.
Almighty God, the fountain of all wisdom, who knowest Liturg.
our necessities before we ask, and our ignorance in asking,
1 beseech Thee to have compassion upon my infirmities ; and Infirmitas.
those things which for my unworthiness I dare not, and for
my blindness I cannot ask, "vouchsafe to give me, for the
worthiness of Thy Son Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
HORA SEXTA.
O Lord, I will put my trust in Thee always : O let Thy Ps. ixii. 8.
people do it with me, and I will pour out my heart before
Thee, O God my hope. Amen.
O that my ways were made so direct that I might keep Ps. cxix. 5.
Thy statutes ! O Lord, direct them. Amen. dbSSi
O Lord, teach me the way of Thy statutes, and I shall PS. cxix.
keep it unto the end: yea, I shall keep it with my whole 33 >C 34 - 38 -]
heart. O stablish Thy word in Thy servant, that I may fear Timor Dei,
Thee, and that for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
HORA NONA.
O Lord, I will call upon Thee in my troubles, O deliver Ps.lxxxi.7.
me and hear me ; and then especially at what time any storm *"
falls upon me, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. tiones.
Blessed art Thou, O Lord, O teach me Thy statutes ; that Ps. cxix.
my whole heart may seek Thee, and that I may not go wrong viaru m
out of Thy commandments : that I may take greater delight directio.
in the way of Thy testimonies, than in all manner of riches.
Amen.
VESPERI.
O praise the Lord, all ye His servants, ye that by night P S - cxxxiv.
stand in the house of the Lord. With these, O Lord, I lift Laus Dei.
42 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
up my hands to Thy sanctuary, and will praise Thy name,
O Lord, be with me this evening in all the mercies of Jesus
Christ my Saviour". Amen.
Protectio. Miserse carnis meae infirmitatem Tu nosti, qui finxisti me :
invisibilium hostium meorum vigilantiam Tu nosti, qui vides
eos; protegat me ala bonitatis Tuse, per Jesum Christum
Dominum nostrum. Amen a .
COMPLETOBIUM.
Ps. cxxxix. O Lord, there is no hiding me from Thy presence : for if
I should say, the darkness shall cover me, then shall my
night be turned to day. For the darkness is no darkness
with Thee, but the night is as clear as the day ; the darkness
Confessio. and the light to Thee are both alike. Therefore, O God,
I present myself open before Thee ; O cleanse my soul, that
it may rejoice to be seen of Thee in Jesus Christ. Amen.
Gratiarum Die jam transacto, gratias Tibi ago, Domine, gloriam Tibi
Actio. tribuo, quod sine scandalo; hymnis effero, quod liber ab
insidiis diem transegerim, per Jesum Christum Dominum
nostrum. Amen.
Ps.lxxi.l7, Thy righteousness, O God, is very high, and great things
19, &c. are they which Thou hast done for me. O God, who is like
unto Thee ? Thou hast brought me to great honour, and
Laus Dei. comforted me on every side. Therefore will I praise Thee
and Thy righteousness, O God, and unto Thee will I sing,
Thou Holy One of Israel. My lips will be glad when
1 sing unto Thee, and so will my soul which Thou hast deli
vered. My tongue also shall talk of Thy righteousness all
the day long: for many are confounded and brought to
shame that have sought to do me evil. O Lord, continue
Gratiarum Thy blessings to me, and multiply my thankfulness to Thee,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
BED-TIME,
ET NOCTE, SI VIGILES.
Ps. cxxi. 4. O Lord, Thou Keeper of Israel, which in the watch over
Thy servants dost neither slumber nor sleep, be my keeper,
and preserve me this night. O keep my soul. Amen.
b [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Prec. Priv. p. 230.]
SATURDAY. 43
Lord, give me grace to make haste, and not prolong the Ps. cxix/
time to keep Thy commandments. That I may call my ^ ^
own ways to remembrance, and turn my feet to Thy testi- natio.
monies. And then at midnight will I rise and give Thee
thanks, because of Thy righteous judgments, O Lord, my
strength and my Redeemer. Amen.
Woe is me, that I am constrained to dwell with Mesech, Ps. cxx. 4.
and to have my habitation among the tents of Kedar. For
my soul hath too long dwelt among them that are enemies
unto peace. Too long, O Lord, but that it is Thy good plea- Mora,
sure to continue my dwelling in this vale of misery. Amen.
Quid es, O Deus meus? Quid rogo nisi Dominum, Deus ? Adoratioet
Quis enim Dominus prseter Dominum, aut quis Deus prseter DeTmeL "
Deum nostrum ? Summe, optime, potentissime, misericor- S. Aug. 1. i.
dissime et justissime, secretissime et prsesentissime, pulcher- 4 n ess> c>
rime et fortissime, stabilis et incomprehensibilis, immutabilis,
mutans omnia. Nunquam novus, nunquam vetus, innovans
omnia et in vetustatem perducens superbos, et nesciunt.
Semper agens, semper quietus, colligens et non egens. Por-
tans, et implens, et protegens, creans, et nutriens, et per-
ficiens. Quaeris, cum nihil desit Tibi. Amas, nee sestuas.
Zelas, et securus es. Poenitet Te, et non doles. Irasceris, et
tranquillus es. Opera mutas, non consilium. Kecipis quod
invenis, et nunquam amisisti. Nunquam inops, et gaudes
lucris. Nunquam avarus, et usuras exigis. Supererogatur
Tibi ut debeas, et quis habet quicquam non Tuum ? Reddis
debita, nulli debens : donas debita, nihil perdens. Et quid
dicimus, Deus meus, vita mea, dulcedo mea sancta ? Aut
quid dicit aliquis, quum de Te dicit ? Et vae tacentibus de
Te, quouiam loquaces muti sunt. Miserere mei, Deus, ut
loquar de Te, et glorificem nomen Tuum. Amen.
b [Op., torn. i. coll. 135. C.D. 136. A.]
44 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
PROSPERS .
Ps.xix. 13. LORD,, this is the time of fear; keep Thy servant from
presumptuous sins, lest they get the dominion over me : that
though my sins be many and great, yet I may be innocent
from the great offence, even for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
O Lord, make me worthy of the place to which Thou hast
raised me in Thy Church, that all my endeavours may be to
make truth and peace meet together. In this course give me
understanding to discover my enemies, and wisdom to pre
vent them : a heart to love my friends, and carriage that
may bind them. Lord, make me love Thy Church, and the
place where Thine honour dwelleth ; that as Thou hast
honoured me above many others, so I may honour Thee above
all, and spend whatsoever is acceptable in the poor remainder
of my life to serve Thee in Thy Church, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
Ps. cxix. O Lord, turn away mine eyes that they behold not vanity,
Saivian. 1. and quicken Thou me in Thy way. Amen.
lYeVnttiOTe" ]Domine misericors, quando a Te ipse exoratus, (nee enim
Dei,p.222 a . unquam ita vivimus, ut exorare mereamur,) pacificos nobis
dies, proventus uberes, divitem bonis omnibus tranquillita-
tem, et abundantiam dederis super vota crescentem, ne sinas
me tanta secundarum rerum prosperitate corrumpi, ne et Tui
penitus obliviscar et mei : sed humilitatem et gratitudinem
adauge, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
FAMILIA. DOMUS.
Visita, quseso, Domine, habitationem meam, et omnes
insidias inimici ab ea longe repelle : angeli Tui sancti habi-
tent in ea, et nos in pace et sanitate custodiant, et benedictio
Tua sit super nos semper, per Jesum Christum Dominum
nostrum. Amen b .
[P. 119. ed. Brcmae, 1688.] > [Brev. Rom - Orat - ad Completorium.]
AFFLICTIONES. 45
LINGTLffi ER2ENUM.
Let the words of my mouth, and the meditations of my Ps. xix.14.
heart, be always acceptable in Thy sight, O Lord, my strength
and my Redeemer. Amen.
Lord, keep my tongue from evil, and my lips that they Ps. xxxiv.
speak no guile ; that so I may eschew evil and do good, seek " "
peace and ensue it. Amen,
O Lord, give me the mouth of the righteous, that it may Ps. xxxvii.
be exercised in wisdom, and that my tongue may be talking 31>
of judgment. Amen.
Lord, I have said in Thy grace, I will take heed unto my Ps. xxxix.
ways, that I offend not in my tongue. Give me, O give me *
that grace, that I may take this heed, that I may keep my
mouth as it were with a bridle, especially when the ungodly
is in my sight, be it never so much pain or grief unto me.
Hear me, and grant, even for Christ Jesus His sake. Amen.
Let the free-will offerings of my mouth please Thee, O Ps. cxix.
Lord, and teach me Thy judgments. Amen.
O Lord, set a watch before my mouth, and keep the door Ps. cxli. 3.
of my lips ; and let not my heart be inclined to anything
that is evil. Amen.
O Lord, set a watch before my mouth, and a seal of wis- Eccius.
dom upon my lips, that I fall not suddenly by them, and XJ
that my tongue destroy me not. Amen.
AFFLICTIONES.
If I find favour in Thine eyes, O Lord, Thou wilt bring David fu
me again, and shew me both the ark and the tabernacle, and | ! ^ xy
set me right in Thy service, and make me joyful and glad in 25.
Thee. But if Thou say, (O, for Jesus His sake, say it not,)
I have no pleasure in thee ; behold, here I am, do with me
as seemeth good in Thine own eyes. Amen.
O Lord, though I be afflicted on every side, let me not be 2 Cor. iv. 8.
in distress : though in want of some of Thy comforts, yet not
46 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
of all : though I be chastened, yet let me not be forsaken :
2Cor.iv.16. though I be cast down, let me not perish: and though my
outward man perish, yet let my inward man be renewed
daily, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Ps. xxxix. O Lord, whatsoever Thou shalt lay upon me, I will hold
my peace, and not open my mouth, because it is Thy doing
and my deserving. Amen.
Ps.cxix.65. O Lord, Thou hast dealt graciously with Thy servant
according to Thy word. For before I was troubled I went
wrong, but now have I prayed that I may keep Thy law.
And it is good for me that I have been in trouble, that so
I may learn still to keep it better, in the mercies of Jesus
Christ. Amen.
Ver. 75. I know, O Lord, that Thy judgments are right, and that
Thou of very faithfulness hast caused me to be troubled.
O let Thy merciful kindness be my comfort, according to
Thy word unto Thy servant, even for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
Baruchiii. O Lord Almighty, O God of Israel, the soul that is in
trouble, and the spirit that is vexed, crieth unto Thee. Hear,
O Lord, and have mercy, for Thou art merciful, and have
pity upon me, because I have sinned before Thee. For Thou
endurest for ever, but unless Thou have mercy I utterly
perish. Have mercy, therefore, even for Jesus Christ His
sake. Amen.
Ps. ix. 18. O Lord, remember Thy promise, that the poor shall not
always be forgotten, nor the patient abiding of the meek
perish for ever. Amen.
Ps.xxxi.8, Lord, I will be glad and rejoice in Thy mercy, for Thou
hast considered my trouble, and hast known my soul in
adversities. Amen.
Ver. 10. Have mercy upon me, O Lord, for I am in trouble, and
mine eye is consumed for very heaviness, yea, my soul and
12. my body. My strength faileth me because of mine iniquity,
14. and my bones are consumed : I am even become like a broken
15. vessel. For I have heard the blasphemy of the multitude,
16. and fear is on every side. But my hope hath been and is in
Thee, O Lord ; Thou art my God, save and deliver me, for
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Ps. xlii. 5. Why art thou so full of heaviness, O my soul, and why art
AITLICTIONES. 47
thou so disquieted within me? O put thy trust in God,
that I may yet give Him thanks for the help of His coun
tenance. O my God, my soul is vexed within me, therefore
will I remember Thee. Amen.
Up, Lord, why sleepest Thou ? Awake, and be not absent Ps.xliv. 23
from us for ever ; wherefore hidest Thou Thy face, and for-
gettest our misery and trouble ? For our soul is brought
low, even unto the dust, our belly cleaves unto the ground.
Arise, O Lord, and help us, and deliver us for Thy mercies
sake. Amen.
In Thee, O Lord, have I put my trust, let me never be put Ps. xxxi. 1
to confusion, deliver me in Thy righteousness. Bow down ^~ 4 ^
Thine ear to me, make haste to deliver me. Be Thou my
strong rock and house of defence, that Thou mayest save me.
Be also my guide, and lead me for Thy name s sake. Amen.
O God, the enemy crieth so, and the ungodly cometh 011 p s . lv. 3
so fast, that they threaten to overbear me, they are minded ^~~ 8 ^
to do me some mischief, so maliciously are they set against
me. My heart is disquieted within me, and the fear of death
is fallen upon me. Tearfulness and trembling and an
horrible dread hath overwhelmed me. And I said, O that
I had wings like a dove, that I might fly away and be at
rest ; that I might make haste to escape the stormy wind
and tempest. But be Thou my helper, and I will magnify
Thee, O Lord, my strength and my Redeemer. Amen.
O be Thou my help in trouble, for vain is the help of man. Ps. lx. 11.
Amen.
Gracious Father, the life of man is a warfare upon earth, Pericula.
and the dangers which assault us are diversly pointed against
us. I humbly beseech Thee, be present with me in all the
course and passages of my life ; but especially in the ser
vices of my calling. Suffer no malice to be able to hurt me,
no cunning to circumvent me, no violence to oppress me,
no falsehood to betray me. That which I cannot foresee,
I beseech Thee prevent; that which I cannot withstand,
I beseech Thee master; that which I do not fear, I beseech
Thee unmask and frustrate ; that being delivered from all
danger, both of soul and body, I may praise Thee the deli
verer, and see how happy a thing it is to make the Lord of
Hosts my helper in the day of fear and trouble. Especially,
48 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Lord, bless and preserve me at this time from, &c., that
1 may glorify Thee for this deliverance also, and be safe in
the merits and the mercies of Jesus Christ my only Lord
and Saviour. Amen.
Ps. ixxx. 5 O Lord, Thou hast fed me with the bread of affliction, and
[~ 7 J given me plenty of tears to drink. I am become a very strife
to my neighbours, and mine enemies laugh me to scorn.
But turn Thee again, Thou God of Hosts, shew me the light
of Thy countenance, and I shall be whole. Amen.
Ps cix. 25, Help me, O Lord my God, O save me according to Thy
W mercy ; and then the world shall know that this is Thy hand,
and that Thou, Lord, hast done it. Amen, Lord Jesu,
Amen.
Ps.cxix.92. If my delight had not been in Thy law, I should have
perished in my trouble. O continue my delight. Amen.
PESTILENTIA.
Ps. xxxix. Deliver me, O Lord, from all my offences, and make me
9 1] not a rebuke to the foolish. Take, I humbly beseech Thee,
Thy plague away from Thy people, for we begin to be con
sumed by means of Thy heavy hand. And for Jesus Christ
His sake lay neither me nor mine under this uncomfortable
disease. Amen.
Ps. xci. 3 O Lord, deliver me from the snare of the hunter, and from
the noisome pestilence ; O defend me under Thy wings, and
keep me safe under Thy feathers, that I may not be afraid
for any terror by night, nor for the arrow that flieth by day;
for the pestilence that walketh in the darkness, nor for the
sickness that destroyeth in the noon-day. Though thousands
fall beside me, and ten thousands at my right hand, yet let
it not come near me, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Ver. 10. O Lord, Thou art my hope, I beseech Thee let no evil hap
pen unto me, neither let any plague come nigh my dwelling ;
but give Thine angels charge over me to keep me in all my
ways, O Lord, my strength and my Redeemer . Amen.
Ps. Ixxix. O let the sorrowful sighing of them whom Thou hast visited
come before Thee; and according to the greatness both of
MORBUS. 49
Thy power and mercy preserve Thou them that are appointed
to die, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Lord, I beseech Thee favourably to hear the prayers of Domin.
Thy humble servant ; that I and my family, which are justly
punished for our offences, may be mercifully delivered by Si intret
Thy goodness from this and all other infection, both of sonl
and body ; that so we may live both to serve and to praise
Thee, to the glory of Thy great name, through Jesus Christ
our Lord and only Saviour. Amen.
O Almighty God, which in Thy wrath in the time of King Liturg-.
David didst slay with the plague of pestilence threescore and ng
ten thousand, and yet remembering Thy mercy didst save
the rest ; have pity upon us miserable sinners, that now are
visited with great sickness and mortality ; and like as Thou
didst then command Thine angel to cease from punishing,
so it may now please Thee to withdraw from us this plague
and grievous sickness, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
O Lord God, who hast wounded us for our sins, and con- Liturg.
sumed us for our transgressions, by Thy late heavy and long- Q
continued visitation, and in the midst of that judgment A . ctio P oat
remembering mercy, hast redeemed us from death ; we offer n em.
up unto Thee ourselves, our souls and bodies, (which Thou
hast now delivered,) to be a living sacrifice unto Thee. And
here I offer up unto Thee, most merciful Father, in the name
of all Thy people, all possible praise and thanks, and shall
ever magnify Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
MOKBUS.
O Lord, the sorrows of death compass me, and the snares Ps. xviii.
of it are ready to overtake me. When Thou wilt dissolve my 3 ~ 5
tabernacle, Thou alone knowest : therefore in this my trouble
I will call upon Thee my Lord, and will complain unto my
God. O be with me at the instant of my death, and receive
me, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
LAUD. VOL. III. T?
50 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Ps.xxxi.6. Into Thy hands I commend my spirit, for Thou hast
redeemed me, O Lord God of truth.
Ps.xxxii.4. O Lord, Thy hand is heavy upon me day and night,
and my moisture is become like the drought in summer.
I acknowledge my sin unto Thee, O Lord, and my unright
eousness have I not hid. O Lord, be merciful unto me.
Amen.
Ps. xxxix. O Lord, hear my prayer, and with Thine ears consider
- my calling ; hold not Thy peace at my tears. For I am a
stranger with Thee, and a sojourner, as all my fathers were.
spare me a little, that I may recover my strength before
1 go hence and be no more seen. Amen.
[Liturg. O Domine, media vita in morte sumus, unde aut a quo
Offf Mart.] quserimus auxilium, nisi a Te, Domine, qui tamen pro peccatig
nostris merito infensus es nobis ? Sancte fortis, sancte mise-
ricors Salvator, amarissimis pcenis mortis seternse ne tradas
[Ps. ixxi. me. Ne projicias me in tempore segritudinis mese, quum
rp g deficit virtus mea, ne derelinquas me. Domine, ante Te
xxxviii. 9.] omne desiderium meum, et suspiria mea a Te non sunt abscon-
dita. Nosti, Domine, nosti intima cordis mei ; ne, quseso,
occludas precibus meis aures misericordise Tuse. Quin parce
mini, O Domine sanctissime, O Omnipotens Deus, sanctus et
Salvator maxime misericors, clignissime et seterne Judex, ne
sinas me in hora mea novissima pro quocunque terrore mortis
excidere a Te. Amen, O Domine Salvator Jesu.
Ps. cxvi. O Lord, the snares of death compass me round about, the
pains of hell get hold upon me. I have found trouble and
heaviness, but will call upon Thy name, O Lord ; O Lord,
deliver my soul. Deliver my soul from death, mine eyes
from tears, and my feet from falling ; that I may walk before
Thee in the land of the living. Amen.
Ps. cxviii. Thou, O Lord, hast chastened and corrected me, but not
given me yet over unto death. Open me the gates of right
eousness, that I may go into them, and give thanks unto the
Lord. Amen.
[Ps. There is no health in my flesh by reason of Thy wrath.
xxxviii 31
neither is there any rest in my bones by reason of my sin.
Yet, O Lord, be merciful unto me, and heal me, even for
Thy name s sake. Amen,
BELLUM. 51
O Lord, I give Thee humble and hearty thanks for the Liberatio
great and almost miraculous bringing of me bajsk from the g rav iB 8 imo
bottom of my grave. What Thou hast further for me to do in <i uem
i nc*ifli
or to suffer, Thou alone knowest. Lord, give me patience Aug. 14,
and courage, and all Christian resolution to do Thee service, 1629 c<
and grace to do it. And let me not live longer than to
honour Thee, through Jesus Christ. Amen d .
BELLUM.
O my God, though mighty nations gather together on Esai. viii.
heaps, yet let them be broken in pieces ; though they take 9 ]
counsel together, bring it to nought. For though they pro
nounce a decree, yet it shall not stand, if Thou, O God, be
with us. Be with us therefore, O God, for Jesus Christ His
sake. Amen.
Blessed be Thou, O Saviour of Israel, which didst destroy i Mace. iv.
the assault of the mighty man, by the hand of Thy servant 30t
David, and gavest the host of strangers into the hand of
Jonathan ; shut up this army in the hand of Israel, and let
them be confounded with their power, and with their horse
men. Make them afraid, and consume their boldness and
strength, that they may be astonished at their own destruc
tion. Cast them down by the sword of them that love Thee ;
that we which love Thy name may praise Thee and sing unto
Thee. Grant this for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Lord of Hosts, give us strength that we may follow on PS. xviii.
upon our enemies and overtake them, and not return till we 3 ^ ^ 38 ^
have destroyed them. O gird us with strength unto the
battle, that we may smite them, that they may not be able
to stand, but fall under our feet. And when Thou hast thus
blessed us, make us fall down at Thy feet, and ever worship
Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O make the wars to cease in all the world, break the bow, Ps. xlvi. 9,
and knap the spear in sunder, and burn the chariot in the - 10 -
c [This severe illness has already mitted Chancellor, April 28, 1630, he
been noticed. (See above, p. 14, speaks of himself as still suffering
note c .) The Archbishop continued from its effects. Hist, of Chancellor-
to suffer from it till the following ship, p. 10.]
March; and in his address to the d [The edition of 1663, ends at
University of Oxford, on being ad- this place.]
E 2
52 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
fire ; that men may be still, and know tliat Thou art God,
that Thou wilt be exalted among the heathen, and in the
earth. Amen.
Pa.xliv.lo, Lord, be not far off, put us not to confusion, but go out
Bri 13 U * witl1 our armies and P ros P er tnem ^ tnat we may not turn our
backs upon our enemies, while they that hate us spoil our
persons, our honour, and our goods. O sell not us Thy poor
people for nought; make us not a rebuke to our insolent
neighbours, nor a scorn to them that are round about us.
Our confusion by reason of our sins is daily before us, and
the shame of our face hath covered us. But, Lord, we
humbly beseech Thee forgive us our sins, and deliver us, for
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Ps. cviii. Hast Thou forsaken us, O God ? and wilt not Thou,
U, [12.] Q Q Q ^ ^ forthwith our hosts? O help us against the
enemy, for vain is the help of man. O Lord, help us. Amen.
Liturg. O Almighty God, King of kings, and Governor of all
things, whose power no creature is able to resist, to whom it
belongeth justly to punish sinners, and to be merciful to
them that truly repent; save and deliver us, we humbly
beseech Thee, from the hands of our enemies; abate their
pride, assuage their malice, and confound their devices ; that
we, being armed with Thy defence, may be preserved ever
more from all perils, to glorify Thee, who art the only giver
of all victory, through the merits of Thy only Son our
Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen.
Liturg. Almighty God, who art a strong tower of defence unto
Thy servants against the face of their enemies ; we give Thee
Gratiarum J
Actio. praise and thanks for our deliverance from those great and
apparent dangers wherewith we were compassed. We ac
knowledge it Thy great goodness that we were not delivered
over as a prey unto them. And we humbly beseech Thee to
continue such Thy mercies towards us, that all the world
may know that Thou art our Saviour and mighty Deliverer,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O Lord, bless the King, all his commanders under him,
[Pa. cxl. 7.] and all his soldiers. Cover all their heads, his especially, in
[Ps. cxliy. the day of battle. Teach all their hands to war and their
fingers to fight. And bless all the guides and conductors of
his armies under him, with wisdom and courage, and faith-
PAT7PERTAS. DOLOR. 53
fulness, watchfulness and diligence, and whatsoever else may
lead on good success. And set a happy end, we humbly
beseech Thee, to all these bloody distractions, and restore
peace, and preserve religion in integrity among us, even for
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
PATJPERTAS.
O Lord, when Thou makest inquisition for blood, remem- p s . ix. 12.
ber and forget not the complaint of the poor.
Arise, O Lord God, and lift up Thy hand ; forget not the Ps. x. 12.
poor. Take his cause into Thy hand, for he commits himself 14<
unto Thee, and Thou art the helper of the friendless. O be
so still, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
praise the Lord, ye that fear Him, and magnify Him, all Ps. xxii.
ye of the seed of Jacob : for He hath not despised nor abhorred "- ^
the low estate of the poor, He hath not hid His face from
Him, but when he called unto Him, He heard him. O bow
down Thine ear and hear him still, O Thou Holy One of
Israel. Amen.
1 am poor and needy, O God, make haste unto me : Thou Ps. Ixx. 5.
art my helper and my deliverer, OLord, make no long tarry
ing. Amen.
DOLOR.
Lord, turn Thee unto me, and have mercy upon me, for Ps. xxv.15,
I am desolate and in misery. The sorrows of my heart are - 16 -
enlarged, O bring Thou me out of my troubles. Look upon
mine adversity and misery, and forgive me all my sins, through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Hear my crying, O God, give ear unto my prayer ; from Ps. Ixi. 1,
the ends of the earth, whithersoever Thou shalt cast me, 3 ^
I will call upon Thee, when my heart is in heaviness. O set
me upon the rock that is higher than I, to be my hope and
a strong tower against my oppressors. Amen.
54
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Ps. Ixix.
Ps. cxix.
28.
Ps. cxix.
143.
Tristitia.
Save me, O God, for the waters aue entered into my soul.
I stick fast in the deep mire, where no stay is, I am come into
deep waters, and the streams run over me. They that hate
me without a cause are more than the hairs of my head, and
they which would destroy me causeless are mighty. O let
not these waterfloods drown me, neither let the deep swallow
me up, and let not the pit shut her mouth upon me. Hear
me, O Lord, for Thy loving-kindness is great ; turn unto me
according to the multitude of Thy tender mercies. Hide not
Thy face from Thy servant, for I am in trouble, but draw
near unto my soul, and redeem it, for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
My soul melteth away for very heaviness ; comfort Thou
me according to Thy word. Amen.
O Lord, trouble and heaviness have taken hold upon me ;
patience, good Lord, that for all this my delight may be in
Thy commandments. Amen.
Ps. xliv.
r 17 i
Ps.
16.
Ps. Ivii.
4.
INFAMIA.
14 O Lord, my sins have made me a rebuke to my neighbours,
and to be laughed to scorn of them that are round about me.
O suffer me not longer to be a by-word among the people.
My confusion is daily before me, and the shame of my face
hath covered me. The voice of the slanderer and blasphemer
hath overtaken me. And though all this be come upon me,
suffer me not, O Lord, to forget Thee, or to behave myself
frowardly in Thy covenant, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
Destroy their tongues, O Lord, and divide them, for I have
seen cruelty and strife in the city. But I will call upon
Thee, O Lord, and Thou wilt save me. Amen.
3, O Lord, send down from heaven, and save me from the
reproof of them that would swallow me. Send out Thy
mercy and truth, for my soul is among lions ; I lie among
the children of men that are set on fire, whose teeth are
spears and arrows, and their tongue a sharp sword. O deliver
me, and I shall magnify Thy name for ever. Amen.
VIS. TIMOR. FRAUDES. DOLUS. 55
I am become a monster to many, but Thou art my sure Ps. Ixxi. 7.
trust. O be my anchor for ever. Amen.
O remember, Lord, the rebuke that Thy servant hath, and Ps. ixxxix.
how I do bear in my bosom the rebukes of many people.
O remember me. Amen.
vis.
O Lord, the ungodly laid wait for me to destroy me, yet Ps.cxix.95.
make me the more thankful, and the more careful to consider
Thy testimonies. Amen.
O Lord, they draw nigh that of malice persecute me; Ycr. 150.
therefore be Thou nigh at hand to help me, even for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
Many, O Lord, they are that trouble me and persecute me, Ver. 157.
yet do I not swerve from Thy testimonies : yes, Lord, I do
daily swerve from them. Quicken me as Thou art wont.
Amen.
O take from me shame and rebuke, and I will keep Thy Ver. 22.
testimonies. O take away the rebuke that I am afraid of, Yer. 39.
for Thy judgments are good. O Lord, do this for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
TIMOR.
Lord, make me remember that the fear of Thee is clean, Ps. xix. 9.
and that Thy judgments are true and righteous altogether.
Amen.
O Lord, give me that grace that I may so carry myself,
and that courage that I may so bear up myself, as that I may
fear none but Thee, nothing but that wherein I offend Thee,
even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
FKAUDES. DOLUS.
O Lord, watch over Thy servant ; for my familiar friends Ps. xli. 9
whom I trusted have laid wait for me. Be Thou merciful ^ 10; 1L -
56 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
unto me, O Lord, and deliver me from them ; that even in
this I may know Thou favourest me, that mine enemies are
not able to triumph against me. Amen.
PA. Ivii. 5, Exalt Thyself, O God, above the heavens, and Thy glory
upon all the earth. For men have laid a net for my steps,
they have pressed down my soul, they have digged a pit
before me. Lord, I desire not that they should fall into the
[Ps. xliv. midst of it themselves ; but I beseech Thee keep me out and
deliver me, for Thy mercy s sake. Amen.
Pri. Ixxi. Mine enemies lay wait for my soul, and take counsel
together. They pursue me out of an opinion that Thou,
O God, hast forsaken me. But go not far from me, O God ;
my God, haste to help me. Amen.
Ps.cxix.85 O Lord, the proud have digged pits for me; they persecute
me falsely, O be Thou my help. They had almost made an
end of me upon earth, yet suffer me not, I beseech Thee, to
depart from Thy commandments, for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
Ps.cxli.io, Lord, keep me from the snare which malicious men have
laid for me, and from the traps of wicked doers. If they will
not repent, let them fall into their own nets together, but let
me ever escape them. Amen.
Ps.cxlii.2. O Lord, I pour out my complaints before Thee; consider
7 t 8 them, for I am brought very low. O deliver me from my
persecutors, for they are too strong for me. Amen.
TEMPLI INGKESSUS.
Ps. v. 7. Lord, I will come into Thy house upon the multitude of
Thy mercies, and in Thy fear will I worship towards Thy
holy temple. O bless me that I may. Amen.
Ps. xxviii. Hear the voice of my humble petitions, O Lord, when
I cry unto Thee in this place, when I hold my hands towards
the mercy-seat of Thy holy temple, even for Jesus Christ
His sake. Amen.
Ps. Ixi. 4. I will dwell in Thy tabernacle for ever, and my trust shall
be under the covering of Thy wings. O Lord, hear our
desires, and give an heritage unto those that pray unto Thee,
and fear Thv name. Amen.
FAMES. 57
O my God, I will go into Thy gates with thanksgiving, Ps. c. 3, 4.
and into Thy courts with praise : I will be thankful unto
Thee, and speak good of Thy name : for Thou, Lord, art
gracious, Thy mercy is everlasting, and Thy truth endureth
from generation to generation. Amen.
O Lord, I love the habitation of Thy house, and the place Ps.xxvi.8,
where Thine honour dwelleth. O shut not up my soul with
impenitent sinners, but give me plenty of Thy grace, even
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
FAMES.
Be merciful, O Lord, and remember us, that we be not Ps. xxxvii.
confounded in these perilous times, and that in these days of
dearth we may have enough, and a free heart and hand to
bestow it upon Thy poor ones, even for Jesus Christ His
sake. Amen.
O Lord, our sins have prevailed against us, yet be Thou Ps. ixv. 3.
merciful unto our transgressions. O visit the earth, and *
prepare corn for the inhabitants thereof. Crown the year
with Thy goodness, and let no cloud drop other than fatness ;
that the very hills may rejoice on every side, that the pas
tures may be covered with sheep, and the valleys with corn,
that Thy people may rejoice and sing unto Thee, through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O God, heavenly Father, who by Thy Son Jesus Christ Liturg.
hast promised to all them that seek Thy kingdom and the ^ ng
righteousness thereof all things necessary for their bodily
sustenance, behold, we beseech Thee, the afflictions of Thy
people, and grant that the scarcity and dearth (which we do
now most justly suffer for our sins) may through Thy good
ness be mercifully turned into cheapness and plenty, for the
love of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O Lord, be mercifully pleased to give and preserve to our Litan.
use the kindly fruits of the earth, so that in due time we ng
may enjoy them, and praise Thee, through Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
58
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Liturg.
Angl.
PLUYIA.
O God, heavenly Father, whose gift it is that the rain
doth fall, the earth is fruitful, beasts increase, and fishes do
multiply, send us, we beseech Thee, such moderate rain and
showers, that we may receive the fruits of the earth to our
comfort, and to Thy honour, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
Liturg.
Angl.
SEEENITAS.
O Lord God, which for the sin of Man didst once drown
all the world, except eight persons, and afterward of Thy
great mercy didst promise never to destroy it so again; we
humbly beseech Thee, that though we for our iniquities have
worthily deserved a plague of rain and waters, yet upon our
true repentance Thou wilt give us such weather, whereby we
may receive the fruits of the earth in due season ; and learn
both by Thy punishment to amend our lives, and for Thy
clemency to give Thee praise and glory, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
Psalmi.
Ps. xc. 13
[-15.]
Ps. cxix.
116. 120.
PCENITENTIALES.
vi. xxxii. xxxviii. li. cii. cxxx. cxliii.
O Lord, turn Thee again now at the last, and be gracious
unto Thy servant. O satisfy me with Thy mercy, and that
soon, so shall I rejoice and be glad all the days of my life.
And when Thou hast forgiven my sins, O comfort me again
after the time that Thou hast plagued me, and for the years
wherein I have suffered adversity, O Jesus Christ my Saviour,
and be merciful. Amen.
O Lord, my flesh trembleth for fear of Thee, and I am
afraid of Thy judgments; yet stablish me according to Thy
PCENITENTIALES. 59
word, that I may live, and let me not be disappointed of my
hope, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
I have gone astray, like a sheep that is lost ; O seek Thy Ps. cxix.
servant, that I may not forget Thy commandments, but
return to Thee. Amen.
O Lord, our iniquities testify against us ; for our back- Jer. xiv. 7,
slidings are many, and we have sinned against Thee : yet,
O Thou hope of Israel, Thou Saviour thereof in time of
trouble, shew mercy for Thy name s sake ; and on me
especially. For why shouldest Thou be as a stranger in my
soul, or as a wayfaring man that turns aside to tarry but for
a night ? O Lord, be and dwell in the midst of me, for Thy
name is called upon me. Leave me not, O God of my
salvation, but have mercy, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
For Thy name s sake, O Lord, be merciful unto my sin, Ps.xxv. 10.
for it is great. Amen.
O Lord Almighty, I acknowledge and confess I am not
worthy to lift up mine eyes to heaven, much less to present
myself before Thee with any confidence that Thou shouldest
hear my prayers and grant my requests, if I consider my
own deserving. For my conscience accuses me, and my sins
witness against me; and Thou art a just and an upright
Judge, and wilt not justify any sinner in His transgressions.
O Lord, suffer me not to be swallowed up of death and
desperation, but in the multitude of Thy mercies pardon me,
O Lord, for Thy goodness sake. For though I am a worm
and no man, yet Thou art my Creator, and I am the work of
Thy hands ; yea, Thou art my Father, and I Thy son ; Thou
my Shepherd, and I one of Thy straggling flock ; Thou my
Redeemer, and I one of Thy people whom Thou hast dearly
bought ; Thou my God, and I Thy creature. O correct me
not in Thine anger, O Lord, neither punish me according to
my deservings, but remember my weakness as well as my
sin, and have mercy upon me, for my dearest Saviour s sake,
Jesus Christ. Amen.
Almighty and everlasting God, which hatest nothing that Coll. in
Thou hast made, and forgivest the sins of all them that are Die Ciner *
penitent, create and make in me a new and contrite heart,
that I may worthily lament my sins, and acknowledge my
wretchedness, and obtain of Thee, the God of all mercy,
60 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
perfect remission and forgiveness, through Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
Dom. xii. Almighty and everlasting God, which art always more
post Ton. rea ^ y to near t h an we to pray, and usest to give more than
either we desire or deserve; pour down upon me, most
miserable sinner, the abundance of Thy mercy, forgiving me
those things whereof my conscience is afraid, and giving me
that which my prayer dares not presume to ask. Grant
this for Jesus Christ His sake, our Lord and only Saviour.
Amen.
Dom. xxi. Grant, I beseech Thee, merciful God, to me Thy sinful
Trm * but humble servant, pardon and peace, that I may be
cleansed from all my sins, and serve Thee with a quiet mind,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Dom. xxiv. Lord, I beseech Thee, free me from all my offences, and
post Tnn. ^y rj^y b oun tif u l goodness deliver me from the bands of all
those sins which by my ignorance, frailty, or wilfulness
I have committed. Grant this, even for Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
Coll. in O God, merciful Father, that despisest not the sighing of
a contr it e heart, nor the desire of such as be sorrowful;
mercifully assist my prayers that I make before Thee in all
my troubles and adversities, whensoever they oppress me :
and graciously hear me, that those evils which the craft and
subtilty of the devil or man worketh against me be brought
to nought, and by the providence of Thy goodness so dis
persed, that I Thy poor servant being overcome by no
temptation, nor hurt by any persecution, may evermore give
thanks unto Thee in Thy holy Church, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
Lit. Angl. O Lord, of Thy great goodness I beseech Thee give me
true repentance, and forgive me all my sins, negligences, and
ignorances, and endue me with the grace of Thy Holy Spirit,
that I may amend my life according to Thy holy word,
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Liturg. God, whose nature and property is ever to have mercy
and to forgive, receive my humble petitions; and though
I am tied and bound with the chain of my sins, yet let the
pitifulness of Thy great mercy loose me, and that for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
PCENITENTIALES. 61
Exaudi, quseso, Domine, supplicis preces, et confitentis
Tibi parce peccatis, Tit pariter mihi indulgentiam tribuas
benignus et pacem, per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum.
Amen.
Omnipotens Deus, qui aquam de petra produxisti, educ
de duritia cordis mei compunctionis lacrymas; ut peccata
mea ita plangere valeam, ut remissionem eorum Te mise-
rante accipiam, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum.
Amen e .
Almighty God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Maker of Liturg.
all things, Judge of all men, I acknowledge and bewail my commun
manifold sins and wickedness, which I have from time to
time most grievously committed, by thought, word, and deed
against Thy Divine Majesty, provoking most justly Thy
wrath and indignation against me. I do earnestly repent,
and am heartily sorry for these my misdoings ; the remem
brance of them is grievous unto me, the burden of them is
intolerable. Have mercy upon me, have mercy upon me,
most merciful Father. For Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ
His sake, forgive me all that is past, and grant that I may
ever hereafter serve and please Thee in newness of life, to
the honour and glory of Thy name, through Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen.
Almighty God, and my most merciful Father, who of Thy Ibidem,
tender mercy hast promised forgiveness of sins to all them
which with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto-
Thee ; have mercy upon me, pardon and deliver me from
all my sins, confirm and strengthen me in all goodness, and
bring me to everlasting life, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
Piissime Domine, misericordissime Deus, sufficiat mihi quod S. Aug.
hucusque peccavi, quod contempsi, quod foetoribus carnis mege
satisfied, jam nunc Te inspirante voveo me a nequitia mea
conversurum. Adjuva, Domine, et des ut impleam, in et per
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
e [Brev. Rom. Orat. ii. post Litan. f [Al. Serin, cxvii. in Append. Op.,
Cf. Liturg. Angl. Orat. i. in Com- torn. v. col. 2650. A.B.]
minat.]
62 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
GR ATI ARUM ACTIO ET LATJDES.
ProLibera- I will magnify Thee, O Lord, for Thou hast set me up,
iiSmicte ancl not made m y foes to trium p n ver me - Lor( ^ m y
Ps. xxx. l God, I cried unto Thee, and Thou hast healed me ; Thou
[ 4< 1 hast kept my life from them that go down into the pit. Sing
praises unto the Lord, O my soul, and give thanks unto Him
for a remembrance of His holiness. Amen.
Ps. xxxv. 9, O my soul, be joyful in the Lord, and rejoice in His
salvation. All my bones shall say, Lord, who is like unto
Thee, which deliverest the poor from him that is too strong
for him : yea, the poor, and him that is in misery, from him
that spoileth him ? Amen.
Ps. vii. 18. I will give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, according to Thy
righteousness, and I will praise Thy name, O Lord most high.
Ps. xlvii. O Lord, Thou art high and terrible, a great King over all
Post Victo- tne eart h ; Thou hast subdued the people under us, and the
riam in nations under our feet : therefore will I sing praises unto
Thee, O God, who art greatly to be exalted. Amen.
Ps. ivi. 12, Thy vows are upon me, O my God, I will render praise
unto Thee, for Thou hast delivered my soul from death and
my feet from falling, that I may yet walk before Thee, O my
God, in the light of the living, and bless Thee. Amen.
S. Aug. v Gratias Tibi, Deus ; Gratias Tibi vera et una Trinitas, una
Hre& e 5 et trina Veritas, trina et una Unitas. Gratias Tibi, Deus
cap. viU Pater, qui et Filium Tuum ostendisti, et mihi Doctorem
dedisti. O et semper des in misericordiis antiquis. Amen.
Ps. Ivii. 7. My heart is ready, O Lord, my heart is ready, I will sing
and give praise ; yea, I will praise Thee among the people,
and I will sing unto Thee among the nations. O let Thy
mercy, which is great unto the heavens, and Thy truth, which
reacheth unto the clouds, embrace me and preserve me to
Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Ps. 5x. l , I will give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, with my whole
I4*i " heart, I will speak of all Thy marvellous works; I will be
glad and rejoice in Thee, yea, my songs will I make of Thy
name, O Thou most highest. For Thou hast maintained my
[Op., torn. viii. col. 1545. B.]
GRATIARUM ACTIO ET LAUDES. 63
right and my cause, Thou art set in the throne that judgest
right. Lord, continue to be my defence against the oppressor,
and my refuge in due time of trouble, that I may ever rejoice
in Thy salvation Jesus Christ. Amen.
My trust is in Thee, O God, and my heart is joyful in Thy Ps. xiii. 5,
salvation. I will sing unto Thee, O Lord, because Thou hast ^
dealt so lovingly with me; yea, I will praise Thy name,
O Lord most highest. Amen.
praise the Lord with me, ye that fear Him, magnify Him, Ps. xxii.
all ye of the seed of Jacob. My praise shall be of Thee in 23 5 *
the great congregation, and my vows will I perform in the
sight of them that fear Thee. Amen.
What profit is there in my blood, when I go down to the Ps. xxx. 9
pit ? Shall the dust give thanks unto Thee, or shall it declare *-"
Thy truth ? Hear, O Lord, and have mercy upon me ; Lord,
be Thou my helper. Thou hast turned my heaviness into
joy ; Thou hast put off my sackcloth, and girded me with
gladness ; therefore will I sing of Thy praise without ceasing.
O my God, I will give thanks unto Thee for ever. Amen.
1 will always give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, Thy praise Ps. xxxiv.
shall ever be-in my mouth, My soul shall make her boast of 1 ^ 2< 4 -
Thee, O my God, and the humble shall hear thereof, and be
glad. For I sought Thee, O Lord, and Thou heardest me,
and didst deliver me out of all my fear, even for Jesus Christ
His sake. Amen.
Let my mouth be filled with praise, and with Thy glory Ps. ixxi. 8.
every day. Amen.
Lord, who is like unto Thee ? For Thou hast shewed Yer. 20.
me great troubles and adversities; but Thou wilt, I hope,
return and quicken me ; Thou wilt return and take me out
of this depth. Amen.
1 will thank Thee, O Lord my God, with all my heart, and Ps. Ixxxvi.
will praise Thy name for ever. For great is Thy mercy 12>
towards me, and Thou hast delivered my soul from the
nethermost hell. O deliver it still, for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
O Lord, I give Thee humble and hearty thanks for the
measure of knowledge which Thou hast given me of Thy
truth; for giving me a love to it, and Thy Church; for
quieting my soul in the midst of Thy Church s distractions ;
64 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
for the measure of rest and repose which Thou hast given me
in Thee, whereas no true content is found without Thee.
Lord, I give Thee humble thanks likewise for the temporal
blessings which Thou hast heaped on me ; the favour of my
liege lord and sovereign ; the place to which Thou hast raised
me; the means which Thou hast given me to do good.
Lord, I cannot name all Thy blessings, how shall I thank
Thee for them ? Lord, I will thank Thee for them by
honouring Thee in them. O give a heart to desire all this,
and grace to perform it ; that my sins may be forgiven me,
and that I may be Thine, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
Ps. cxxxv. O praise the Lord, for He is gracious ; O sing unto His
P s . name, for it is lovely. I will give thanks unto Thee, O Lord,
with my whole heart, I will worship towards Thy holy temple,
and praise Thy name; and that because of Thy loving-
kindness and truth, for Thou hast magnified Thy name and
Thy word above all things. Lord, give me grace to obey
Thy word, and to honour Thy name for ever, in Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
PRO INIMICIS.
S. Matt. v. O Lord, I beseech Thee forgive mine enemies all their sins
against Thee, and give me that measure of Thy grace, that
for their hatred I may love them, for their cursing I may
bless them, for their injury I may do them good, and for
their persecution I may pray for them. Lord, I pray for
them ; forgive them, for they know not what they do. Amen.
Deus pacis et charitatis, da omnibus inimicis mihi pacem
et charitatem, omniumque remissionem peccatorum, meque
ab eorum insidiis potenter eripe ; per Jesum Christum Dorni-
num nostrum. Amen.
CONTRA INIMICOS.
Ps. xxv. 19. O Lord, consider mine enemies how many they are, and
they bear a tyrannous hate against me. Lord, deliver me
from them. Amen.
EPISCOPATUS. 65
Almighty God, I humbly beseech Thee, look upon the Dom. iii.
hearty desires of Thy humble servant, and stretch out the Q uadra -
right hand of Thy Majesty to be my defence against all mine
enemies, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Be merciful unto me, O God, for mine enemies would Ps. ivi. i,
swallow me up, and many they are which fight against me, !]
O Thou Most Highest ; they gather together and keep them
selves close, they mark my steps, because they lay wait for
my soul. But when I was afraid I trusted in Thee ; and
when I cry, then shall mine enemies turn back. This Thou
wilt make me know, when Thou art with me. Be with me
therefore, O Lord, and let me see deliverance. Amen.
O Lord, let not them that are mine enemies triumph over Ps. xxxv.
me, neither let them wink with their eyes that hate me, either
without a cause, or for Thy cause. Amen.
O Lord God, in Thee have I put my trust, save me from Ps. vii. 1,
all them that persecute me, and deliver me ; lest they devour "-
my soul like a lion, and tear it in pieces while there is none
to help. Lift up Thyself, O God, because of the indignation
of mine enemies ; arise up for me in the judgment which
Thou hast commanded, that my help may still be from Thee,
God, who preservest them that are true of heart. Amen.
Have mercy upon me, O God, consider the trouble which Ps. ix. 13.
1 suffer of them that hate me, O Thou that liftest me up from
the gates of death. Amen.
Hear my voice, O God, in my prayer, preserve my life Ps. Ixiv.
from fear of the enemy ; hide me from the conspiracy of the ^
wicked, and from the rage of the workers of iniquity. They
have whet their tongues like a sword, and shoot out their
arrows, even bitter words; Lord, deliver me from them.
Amen.
EPISCOPATUS.
- Deus omnium fidelium Pastor et Rector, me famulum Menev.
Tuum, quern pastorem Ecclesiae Cantuar. prseesse voluisti, L 0n <ioii.
propitius respice ; Da mihi, humillime peto, verbo et exemplo Dioecesis h .
h [He was elected Bishop of St. July 15, 1628 ; and Archbishop of
David s, Oct. 10, 1621; of Bath and Canterbury, Sept. 19,1633. See the
Wells, Aug. 16, 1626 ; of London, Diary under those respective dates.]
LAUD. VOL. III. 1
66 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
quibus prsesum proficere. Ut una cum grege milii credito ad
vitam perveniam sempiternam, per Jesum Christum Domi-
num nostrum. Amen.
S. Aug. lib. o Deus mi. Pater clementissime, gratia Tua ita in me
22. contra . .,..
Faust. operetur, ut sim humms in recusando omne magnum mims-
Mose ^ de Cerium, subditus tamen in suscipiendo, fidelis in servando,
strenuus in exsequendo, in regendo populo vigilans, in corri-
gendo vehemens, in amando ardens, in sustinendo patiens, in
moderando prudens j ut pro iis quibus prsesum Deo me inter-
ponam consulenti, opponam irascenti, in fiducia et meritis
Jesu Christi Salvatoris nostri. Amen.
Esai. lv. O Lord, as the rain cometh down from heaven, and returns
not thither, but waters the earth, and makes it bud and
bring forth, that it may give seed to the sower, and bread to
him that eateth ; so let Thy word be that goeth out of my
mouth; let it not return to me void, but accomplish that
which Thou wilt, and prosper in the thing whereto Thou
hast sent it, that the people committed to my charge may go
out with joy, and be led forth in peace to Thy freshest waters
of comfort, in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O Son of God, Thou which takest away the sins of the
world, have mercy upon me in this heavy charge. Amen.
REX.
Ps. ixi. 6 O Lord, grant the King a long life, that his years may
endure as many ages : furnish him with wise and safe coun
sels, and give him a heart of courage and constancy to pursue
them. O prepare Thy loving mercy and faithfulness for him,
that they may preserve him ; so will I always sing praises
unto Thy name, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Ps. xx. l O Lord, hear the King in the day of his trouble, that Thy
name, O God of Jacob, may defend him. Send him help
from Thy sanctuary, and strength out of Sion. Grant him
his heart s desire, and fulfil all his mind. Set his heart firm
upon Thee, and upon other things but as they are in arid
5 [Op., torn. viii. coll. 620. D. 621. A.]
REX. ECCLESIA. 67
from Thee ; that we his servants under Thee may see with
joy that Thou helpest Thine Anointed, and that Thou wilt
hear him from Thy holy heaven, even with the wholesome
strength of Thy right hand. And, O Lord, close not mine
eyes till I see Thy favour shine out upon him, even for
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
ECCLESIA.
O Lord, we humbly beseech Thee to keep Thy Church and Dom. v.
household continually in Thy true religion, that they which j^n. pl "
do lean only upon hope of Thy heavenly grace, may evermore
be defended by Thy mighty power ; and that I may humbly
and faithfully serve Thee in this Thy Church, through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
Gracious Father, I humbly beseech Thee for Thy holy
Catholic Church, fill it with all truth, in all truth with all
peace. Where it is corrupt, purge it ; w r here it is in error,
direct it ; where it is superstitious, rectify it ; where any
thing is amiss, reform it ; where it is right, strengthen and
confirm it ; where it is in want, furnish it ; where it is divided
and rent asunder, make up the breaches of it ; O Thou Holy
One of Israel. Amen.
O merciful God, since Thou hast ordered me to live in
these times, in which the rents of Thy Church are grievous ;
I humbly beseech Thee to guide me, that the divisions of
men may not separate me either from Thee or it, that I may
ever labour the preservation of truth and peace, that where
for and by our sins the peace of it succeeds not, Thou wilt
yet accept my will for the deed, that I may still pray, even
while Thou grantest not, because I know Thou wilt grant it
when Thou seest it fit. In the meantime bless, I beseech
Thee, this Church in which I live, that in it I may honour
and serve Thee all the days of my life, and after this be
glorified by Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O Lord, Thou hast brought a Vine out of Egypt, and Ps. Ixxx. 8,
planted it ; Thou madest room for it, and when it had taken ^
(J8 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
root it filled the land. O why hast Thou broken down her
hedge, that all which go by pluck off her grapes ? The wild
boar out of the wood rooteth it up, and the wild beasts of the
field devour it. O turn Thee again, Thou God of Hosts,
look down from heaven, behold, and visit this Vine, and the
place of the vineyard that Thy right hand hath planted, and
the branch that Thou madest so strong for Thyself. Lord,
hear me, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
Ps. cxxvii. O Lord, except Thou buildest the house, their labour is
1[ ~ 3l] but lost that build it; and except Thou, O Lord, keep the
city, the watchman waketh but in vain. It is but lost labour
to rise early, and take late rest, and to eat the bread of care
fulness, if Thou bless not the endeavours that seek the peace
and the welfare of Thy Church. Therefore, O Lord, build
Thy Church and keep it, and take care for it, that there may
be no lost labour among the builders of it. Amen.
Ecclesia O Lord our God, the great, the mighty, and the terrible
Posfe S sio 8t God 5 Tnou whidl kee P est covenant and mercy, let not all
lies direp- the trouble seem little before Thee that hath come upon us,
Neiiem ix u P on our P r i ests > u P on t ^ ie nouses built an ^ dedicated to Thy
32, 33. name, upon the maintenance for them that serve at Thy altar,
upon our kings, state, and people, since that day of affliction.
Thou art just in all that is brought upon us : for Thou hast
done right, but we have done wickedly. Yet, O Lord, have
mercy, and turn to us again, for Jesus and His mercy s sake.
Amen.
RESPUBLICA.
Ps. xxxiii. O Lord, Thou which bringest the counsels of the heathen
to nought, and makest the devices of the people to be of
none effect, and castest out the counsels of princes when they
have offended Thee ; have mercy upon this kingdom, forgive
the sins of this people ; turn Thee unto them and bless them,
that the world may say, Blessed are the people whose God is
the Lord Jehovah, and blessed are the folk that He hath
chosen to Him to be His inheritance. Lord, hear and grant,
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
PEO AFFLICTIS. REGNUM ANGLL^. JEJUNIUM. 69
Lord, bless this kingdom, that religion and virtue may
season all sorts of men : that there may be peace within the
gates, and plenty within the palaces of it. In peace I beseech
Thee so preserve it, that it corrupt not : in war so defend it,
that it suffer not : in plenty so order it, that it riot not : in
want so pacify and moderate it, that it may patiently and
peaceably seek Thee, the only full supply both of men and
states ; that so it may continue a place and a people to do
Thee service to the end of time, through Jesus Christ our
only Saviour and Redeemer. Amen.
O Lord, according to all Thy righteousness, I beseech Dan. ix.
Thee let Thine anger be turned away from this city and Thy
people ; and cause Thy face to shine upon whatsoever is
desolate therein, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
PRO AFFLICTIS.
O let the sorrowful sighing of the prisoners come before Ps. Ixxix.
1 9
Thee, and according to the greatness of Thy power preserve ^^ ^
Thou them that are appointed to die, even for Jesus Christ Sick, the
our Lord. Amen. Afflicted
REGNUM ANGLIC.
Benedic, Domine Deus omnipotens, regnum hoc, ut sit in
eo sanitas, castitas, victoria, virtus omnis, et gratiarum actio
Deo Patri, et Filio, et Spiritui Sancto : et hsec benedictio
maneat super hoc regnum, et super habitantes in eo, per
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
JEJUNIUM.
O Lord, the zeal of Thine house hath even eaten me up, p s .
and the rebukes of them which rebuked Thee are fallen 9 t
upon me. Therefore I wept, and chastened myself with
fasting, and that was turned to my reproof. I put on sack
cloth also, and they jested upon me : they that sat in the
gate also spake against me, and the drunkards made songs
70 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
upon me. Bat, Lord, I make my prayer unto Thee, and
I hope, in an acceptable time. O hear me in the multitude
of Thy mercies, which are in Jesus Christ our Saviour.
Amen.
QUADRAGESIMA.
Dom. i. o Lord, which for our sake didst fast forty days and forty
nights ; give us grace to use such abstinence, that our flesh
being subdued to the spirit, we may ever obey Thy godly
motions, in righteousness and true holiness, to Thy honour
and glory, who livest and reignest one God with the Father
and the Holy Ghost. Amen.
ROGATIONES.
Domin. Stir up, I beseech Thee, O Lord, thewills of Thy faithful
Trin P St P e pH tnat tnev plenteously bringing forth the fruit of good
works, may of Thee be plenteously rewarded, through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
JEJUNIA QUATUOR TEMPORUM.
Almighty God, the giver of all good gifts, who of Thy
divine providence hast appointed divers Orders in the Church ;
give Thy grace, I humbly beseech Thee, to all those which
are to be called to any office and administration in the same,
and so replenish them with the truth of Thy doctrine, and
innocence of life, that they may faithfully serve before Thee,
to the glory of Thy great name, and the benefit of Thy holy
Church, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
CONSECRATIONES. ORDINATIONES.
1 Tim. v. O Lord, I am now at Thy altar, at Thy work ; keep me
that I lay not my hands suddenly upon any man, lest I be
partaker of other men s sins ; but that I may keep myself
pure, in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
EXILIUM. MARTYRIUM. 71
Lord, give me grace, that as oft as they shall come in my 2 Tim. i. 6.
way, I may put them in remembrance whom I have ordained,
that they stir up the gift of God that is in them by the
putting on of my hands, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
Grant, O Lord, I beseech Thee, that the course of this Dom.
world may be so peaceably ordered by Thy governance, that
Thy Church may joyfully serve Thee in all godly quietness, sia.
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Lord, I beseech Thee, let Thy continual mercy cleanse Dom. xyi.
and defend Thy Church. And because it cannot continue post Trm
in safety without Thy succour, preserve it evermore by Thy
help and goodness, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Lord, I beseech Thee, keep Thy household the Church in Dom. xxii.
continual godliness ; that through Thy protection it may be posfc Trm -
free from all adversities, and devoutly given to serve Thee in
good works, to the glory of Thy name, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
EXILIUM.
Lord, send me not to the waters of Babylon, that I may Ps.cxxxvii.
have no cause to weep when I remember Sion : that no man s *
cruelty may lead me away captive, nor no man s scorn call
upon me to sing in my heaviness. But that in my country
where I learned to serve Thee, I may live to honour Thee all
the days of my life, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
MARTYRIUM.
Lord, make me remember the bones of Thy saints, how Ps. cxli.;
they lie scattered before the pit, even as when one heweth *
wood upon the earth. O Lord, mine eyes look unto Thee,
in Thee is my trust, O cast not out my soul. And if my
bones also must be broken, O Lord, I beseech Thee give me
courage and abundance of patience, that no torment may
make my faith fall away from Thee, for Jesus Christ His sake.
Amen.
72 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
EUCHABISTIA.
Prsevia. Qusecunque ab infantia usque ad momentum hoc, sciens
vel ignorans, intus vel extra, dormiens vel vigilaris, verbis,
factis vel cogitationibus, per jacula inimici ignita, per desi-
deria cordis immunda peccavi Tibi, miserere mei, et dimitte
mihi, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum k . Amen.
Almighty God and most merciful Father, give me, I beseech
Thee, that grace, that I may daily examine the inmost of my
heart, and my most secret thoughts, how I stand before
Thee. Lord, I confess all my sins, and my unworthiness to
present myself at Thine altar. But Thou canst forgive sin,
and give repentance; do both, gracious Father, and then
behold I am clean to come unto Thee. Lord, make me a
worthy receiver of that for which I come, Christ, and remis
sion of sin in Christ : and that for His own mercy s sake and
Thine. Amen.
O Lord, into a clean, charitable, and thankful heart, give
me grace to receive the blessed Body and Blood of Thy Son,
my most blessed Saviour, that it may more perfectly cleanse
me from all dregs of sin; that being made clean, it may
nourish me in faith, hope, charity, and obedience, with all
other fruits of spiritual life and growth in Thee ; that in all
the future course of my life, I may shew myself such an
engrafted member into the Body of Thy Son, that I may
never be drawn to do anything that may dishonour His
name. Grant this, O Lord, I beseech Thee, even for His
merit s and mercy s sake. Amen.
(^ O Lord God, hear my prayers, I come to Thee in a steadfast
faith : yet for the clearness of my faith, Lord, enlighten it ;
for the strength of my faith, Lord, increase it. And, behold,
I quarrel not the words of Thy Son my Saviour s blessed
Institution. I know His words are no gross unnatural con
ceit, but they are spirit and life, and supernatural. While
the world disputes, I believe. He hath promised me, if I
come worthily, that I shall receive His most precious Body
and Blood, with all the benefits of His passion. If I can
receive it and retain it, (Lord, make me able, make me
worthy,) I know I can no more die eternally, than that Body
k [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Free. Priv. p. 326.]
EUCHAHISTIA. 73
and Blood can die, and be shed again. ^My Saviour is willing
in this tender of them both nnto me : Lord; so wash and
cleanse my soul, that I may now, and at all times else, come
prepared by hearty prayers and devotion, and be made
worthy by Thy grace of this infinite blessing, the pledge and
earnest of eternal life, in the merits of the same Jesus Christ,
who gave His body and blood for me. Amen.
Almighty God, unto whom all hearts be open, all desires Coll. pro
known, and from whom no secrets are hid \ cleanse the
thoughts of my heart by the inspiration of Thy Holy Spirit, dis -
that I may perfectly love Thee, and worthily magnify Thy
name, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Pater de ccelis Deus, qui unigenitum Tuum pro nobis ad Litan.
v v , brevis.
mortem tradidisti.
Fili Redemptor mundi Deus, qui sanguine Tuo pretioso
nos a peccatis abluisti.
Spiritus Sancte Paraclete Deus, qui corda sanctorum Tua
gratia visitas et confirmas.
Sacra, summa, sempiterna, beata, benedicta Trinitas;
Pater bone, Fili pie, Spiritus benigne : cujus opus vita, amor
gratia, contemplatio gloria : cujus majestas ineffabilis, potestas
incomparabilis, bonitas insestimabilis : qui vivorum Dominus
es simul et mortuorum : Te adoro, Te invoco, et toto cordis
affectu nunc et in sseculum benedico. Amen.
O Domine Jesu, da vivis misericordiam et gratiam : da Tuis
regimen et lucem perpetuam : da ecclesise tuse veritatem et
pacem ; da mihi miserrimo peccatorum pcenitentiam et
veniam. Amen.
Domine, errantes, oro, corrige, incredulos converte, Eccle
sise fidem auge, haereses destrue, hostes versutos detege,
violentos et impoenitentes contere, per Jesum Christum Do-
minum nostrum. Amen 1 .
Misericors Pater, pro beneficiis, quse mihi largiti sunt in
terris benefactores mei, prsemia seterna consequantur in ccelis m .
Oro etiam, ut cum his pro quibus oravi, aut pro quibus orare
teneor, et cum omni populo Dei, introduci mihi detur in
regnum Tuum, et ibi apparere in justitia, et satiari gloria,
per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum 11 . Amen.
1 [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Free. Priv. m [Ibid. pp. 274, 275.]
p. 273.] n [Ibid. p. 275.]
74 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
[Ps. cxlii. O Lord, consider my complaint, for I am brought very low.
[Ps Ixxx Lord > llow lon S wilt Tnou be an g r y witn Tii y servant that
4-J prayeth ? O Lord, give me grace and repentance, and Thou
canst not be angry with my prayer. O Lord, I am Thine,
save me, and deliver me not into the will of mine enemies,
especially my ghostly enemies. O Lord, I am Thy servant,
Thy unprofitable, wasteful servant, yet Thy servant . O Lord,
set my accounts right before Thee, and pardon all my mis-
spendings and mis-reckonings. O Lord, I am Thy son, Thy
most unkind, prodigal, run-away son, yet Thy son. O Lord,
though I have not retained the love and duty of a son, yet
do not Thou cast off (I humbly beg it) the kindness and
compassion of a Father ?. O Lord, in Thy grace I return to
Thee ; and though I have eaten draff with all the unclean
swine in the world, in my hungry absence from Thee, yet
now, Lord, upon my humble return to Thee, give me, I be
seech Thee, the bread of life, the Body and Blood of my
Saviour, into my soul, that I may be satisfied in Thee, and
never more run away from Thee, even for Jesus Christ His
sake, that gave Himself for me. Amen.
Coll. 3. in Misericors Deus, Creator omnium hominum, qui nihil
c> odisti eorum quse condidisti, nee vis mortem peccatoris, sed
magis ut convertatur et vivat; miserere omnium Judseorum,
Turcarum, Infidelium, et Hsereticorum. Aufer a-b iis igno-
rantiam, duritiem cordis, et contemptum verbi Tui : et reduc
eos, misericors Domine, ad gregem Tuum, ut serventur inter
reliquias veri Israelis, ut fiat unum ovile, et unus Pastor, Jesus
Christus Dominus noster, qui vivit et regnat, &c. Amen.
Bum altari Tanquam pro tribunali Tuo tremendo (ubi nullus erit per-
fieripo S s- sonarum respectus) reum memet peragens, ita hodie antequam
sit. Si non prseveniat me dies judicii mei coram sancto Tuo altari pro-
tum mane. , m ,. T m
& c- stratus, coram Te et stupendis angelis Tuis a propria consci-
entia dejectus, profero improbas et nefarias cogitationes et
actiones meas. Kespice, oro, Domine, humilitatem meam,
et remitte omnia peccata mea, quse multiplicata sunt super
capillos capitis mei. Quodnam enim est malum, quod non
designavi in anima mea: quin et multa et nefanda opere
perpetravi. Reus enim sum, O Domine, invidias, guise, &c.
Omnes sensus meos, omnia membra mea pollui. Sed incom-
[See Bp. Andrewes Manual for the Sick, p. 187.] P [Ibid. p. 188.]
PRO DUCE BUCKINGHAMLE. 75
parabilis est multitude viscerum Tuorum, et ineffabilis miseri-
cordia bonitatis Tua3, qua peccata mea toleras. Quare, O Rex
omrii admiratione major, O Domine longanimis, misericordias
Tuas mirificato in me peccatore : potentiam benignitatis Tuse
manifestato, clementissimse propensionis Tuse virtutem ex-
serito et me prodigum reverentem suscipito, per Jesum
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
O Lord God, how I receive the Body and Blood of my fmmediato
most blessed Saviour Jesus Christ, the price of my redemp- ceptionem
tion, is the very wonder of my soul, yet my most firm and Panis.
constant belief upon the words of my Saviour. At this time
they are graciously tendered to me and my faith : Lord,
make me a worthy receiver, and be unto me as He hath said.
Amen.
Lord, I have received this Sacrament of the Body and Immediate
Blood of my dear Saviour. His mercy hath given it, and my tionem CeP
faith received it into my soul. I humbly beseech Thee speak utriusque
mercy and peace unto my conscience, and enrich me with all Sf
those graces which come from that precious Body and Blood,
even till I be possessed of eternal life in Christ. Amen.
O qui sursum Patri assides et hie nobiscum invisibiliter
versaris, venito et sanctificato prsesentia hsec dona ; eos item
pro quibus, et eos per quos, et ea propter quse offeruntur.
Amen *.
PRO DUCE BUCKINGHAMLE r .
Gracious Father, I humbly beseech Thee, bless the Duke
of Buckingham with all spiritual and temporal blessings, but
especially spiritual. Make and continue him faithful to his
prince, serviceable to his country, devout in Thy truth and
Church ; a most happy husband and a blessed father ; filled
with the constant love and honour of his Prince, that all Thy
blessings may flow upon himself and his posterity after him.
Continue him a true-hearted friend to me, Thy poor servant,
whom Thou hast honoured in his eyes. Make my heart
i [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Free. Priv. Buckingham, Laud s intimate friend
P- 240.] and patron.]
r [George Villiers, first Duke of
76 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
religious and dutiful to Thee, and in and under Thee true,
and secret, and stout, and provident in all things which he
shall be pleased to commit unto me. Even so, Lord, and
make him continually to serve Thee, that Thou mayest
bless him, through Jesus Christ our only Lord and Saviour.
Amen s .
The O most merciful God and gracious Father, the Prince hath
Journey 1 P ut hi mse lf to a g reat adventure. I humbly beseech Thee
make a clear way before him : give Thine angels charge over
him, be with him Thyself in mercy, power, and protection ;
in every step of his journey; in every moment of his time ;
in every consultation and address for action ; till Thou bring
him back with safety, honour, and contentment, to do Thee
service in this place.
Bless his most trusty and faithful servant, the Lord Duke
of Buckingham, that he may be diligent in service, provident
in business, wise and happy in counsels ; for the honour of
Thy Name, the good of Thy Church, the preservation of the
Prince, the contentment of the King, the satisfaction of the
State. Preserve him, I humbly beseech Thee, from all envy
that attends him ; and bless him, that his eyes may see the
Prince safely delivered to the King arid State, and after it
live long in happiness to do them and Thee service, through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
The Isle of O most gracious God and merciful Father, Thou art the
u Lord of hosts ; all victory over our enemies, all safety against
them, is from Thee ; I humbly beseech Thee go out with our
armies, and bless them. Bless my dear Lord the Duke, that
is gone Admiral with them, that wisdom may attend all his
counsels, and courage and success all his enterprises ; that
by his and their means Thou wilt be pleased to bring safety
s [Prynne (Breviate, p. 13) remarks match was in contemplation. See
on this and the following prayers : several entries in the Diary relating
" What a professed votary and crea- to this secret expedition. Prynne
ture this Bishop was to the D. of observes, (Breviate, p. 14,) that this
Buckingham, will appear by these "voyage was purposely plotted to
his special prayers for him, written pervert him in his religion, and
by his own hand, in his Book of reconcile him to Eome, is apparent
private prayers and devotions, found by this . . prayer."]
in his chamber at the Tower ... [The fatal expedition to La Ro-
much used, as is evident by the foul- chelle. See a detailed account in
ing of the leaves with his fingers."] D Israeli s Charles I. vol. ii. pp 49,
1 [Of Prince Charles and Bucking, seq.]
ham, in 162, when the Spanish
SENECTUS. 77
to this Kingdom, strength and comfort to Religion, victory
and reputation to our Country : and that he may return with
our navy committed to him, and with safety, honour, and
love both of Prince and people. Grant this for Thy dear
Son s sake, Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O merciful God, Thy judgments are often secret, always His death,
just. At this time they were temporally heavy upon the poor 23? 1628*.
Duke of Buckingham, upon me, upon all that had the honour
to be near him. Lord, Thou hast, I doubt not, given him
rest, and light, and blessedness in Thee. Give also, I beseech
Thee, comfort to his lady, bless his children, uphold his
friends, forget not his servants. Lay open the bottom of all
that irreligious and graceless plot that spilt his blood. Bless
and preserve the King from danger, and from security in
these dangerous times. And for myself, O Lord, though the
sorrows of my heart are enlarged, in that Thou gavest this
most honourable friend into my bosom, and hast taken him
again from me, yet blessed be Thy Name, O Lord, Thou hast
given me patience. I shall now see him no more till we meet
at the Resurrection. O make that joyful to us, and all Thy
faithful servants, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
SENECTUS.
O Lord, cast me not off in the time of mine age, forsake Ps. Ixxi. 9.
me not now my strength begins to fail me. Amen.
Forsake me not, O God, in mine old age, now I am Yer. 18.
grey-headed, until I have declared Thy strength unto this
generation, and Thy power to all them that are to come.
Amen.
O Lord, though Thou hast shortened the days of my Ps. Ixxxix.
youth, yet cover me not with dishonour. Hide not Thyself 44
from me for ever, but remember how short my time is, and
make me remember it, O Lord. Amen.
x [Murdered by John Felton, at 29, 1628. Prynne (Breviate, p. 14)
Portsmouth, on his way to take com- states this prayer was " much daubed
mand of the second expedition to through frequent use with his fin-
La Rochelle. See the Archbishop s gers."]
Diary, Aug. 12, 23, 24, and Nov.
78 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Ps. xc. 12. O Lord, teach me to number my days, that I may apply
my heart unto wisdom. Amen.
Ps. cii. 2. O Lord, hide not Thy face from me in the time of trouble ;
Ver. 3. for my days are consumed away like smoke, and my bones
Ver. 11. are burnt up like a fire-brand. My days are gone like a
Ver. 23. shadow, and I am withered like grass. Thou, O Lord, hast
brought down my strength in my journey, and shortened my
Ver. 24. days. But, O my God, take me not away but in the timeliness
of my age, that I may continue to serve Thee, and be faithful
in Thy service, till Thou remove me hence. Amen.
TENTATIONES.
lCov.x.13. O Lord, as Thou art faithful, so suffer me not, I beseech
Thee, to be tempted above that I am able ; but give an issue
with the temptation, that I may be able to bear it. Amen.
Omnipotens Deus, respice preces meas, et libera cor meum
a malarum cogitationum tentationibus, ut Te miserante dig-
num esse possim Spiritus Sancti habitaculum, per Jesum
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
Deus, qui diligentibus Te facis cuncta prodesse, da cordi
meo inviolabilem charitatis Tuse affectum et nulla un-
quam tentatiorie mutabilem, per Dominum nostrum Jesum
Christum. Amen.
Misericors Deus, da mihi in fide Tua constantiam, et in
charitate firmitatem, ut nullis tentationibus ab earum inte-
gritate possim divelli, per Jesum Christum Dominum nos
trum. Amen.
CARCER.
Ps.cxlii. 9. O Lord, have mercy upon me, and bring my soul out of
prison, that I may give thanks unto Thy Name, even in Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
Ps. cxlvi. O Lord, blessed is the man that hath Thee for his help,
4 - 6 > 17, 8.] an( j w h ose k^ j s j n Tk ee< o Lord, help me and all them
CONFESSIONES. 79
to right that suffer wrong. Thou art the Lord, which looseth
men out of prison, which helpest them that are fallen.
Lord, help and deliver me, when and as it shall seem best
to Thee, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O Lord, Thine indignation lies hard upon me ; and though Ps.
Thou hast not (for Thy mercy is great) vexed me with all
Thy storms, yet Thou hast put my acquaintance far from me,
and I am so fast in prison that I cannot get forth. Lord,
1 call daily upon Thee, hear and have mercy, for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
O Lord, Thou which bringest the prisoners out of captivity, Ps.lxviii.
while Thou lettest the runagates continue in scarceness,
have mercy upon me, and deliver me out of the prison and
affliction in which I now am ; and give me grace, that being
free, I may faithfully and freely serve Thee all the days of
my life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
COHFESSIONES.
O Domine, in multis deliqui, et improbe egi, et tristitia
affeci Spiritum Tuum Sanctum. Exacerbavi viscera cle-
mentice Tuae, cogitatione, sermone, opere, noctu et interdiu,
palam et in occulto, consulto et inconsulto. O si constituas
peccata mea in conspectu meo; O si rationem a me exigas
peccatorum in se noil ignoscibilium, quse scienter commisi,
quid faciam ? quo fugiam ? Sed, O Domine, ne in furore
Tuo arguas me, nee in ira Tua corripias me. Miserere mei,
non solum quia infirmus sum, sed quia figmentum sum
Tuum. Obsecro Te, ne intres in judicium cum servo Tuo :
si enim iniquitates observaveris, Domine, Domine, quis in
judicio consistet ? Non ego certe, si quis alius. Ego enim
sum peccati pelagus, et non sum dignus in ccelum suspicere
pra3 multitudine peccatorum meorum, quorum non est nume-
rus ; probra, injurias, &c., et mille prreterea nefandse passiones
sunt, a quibus non destiti. Quibus enim non corruptus sum
peccatis ? Quibus non sum constrictus malis ? Inutilis
factus sum Tibi Deo meo, et hominibus. Quis me in talia
prolapsum suscitabit ? In Te, Domine, confido, qui es Deus
80 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
meus : esto mihi Salvator secundum viscera compassionis
Ture, et miserere mei secundum magnam misericordiam
Tuam, et ne retribuas mihi secundum opera mea, sed con-
verte Te ad me, me ad Te. Remitte omnia quse in Te
peccavi : serva me propter misericordiam Tuam, et ubi
abundavit peccatum, superabundet gratia Tua ; et laudabo et
glorificabo Te per omnes dies vitse mese. Tu enim es Deus
pcenitentium, et Salvator peccantium. Tibi gloria per Jesum
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
ANNIVEESARIA.
April 11, O eternal God and merciful Father,, with whom do rest the
More Pa- sou ^ s f them that die in Thy faith and favour, have mercy
tris. upon me, and grant that my life may be a preparation to die,
Mercurii. an d my death an entrance to life with Thee. As upon this
;tNov.24, ^ a y^ ^ pi ease d Thee to take my dear father to Thy mercy,
More Ma- when I was yet young. O Lord, he was Thy servant, Thy
meek, humble, faithful servant ; and I assure myself he is in
rest, and light, and blessedness. Lord, while I am here
behind in my pilgrimage, shower down Thy grace upon me.
Thou hast been more than a father to me ; Thou hast not
suffered me to want a father; no, not when Thou hadst
taken him from me. O be pleased to be a father still, and
by Thy grace to keep me within the bounds of a son s
obedience. Thou hast given me temporal blessings beyond
desert or hope; O be graciously pleased to heap spiritual
blessings on me, that I may grow in faith, obedience, and
thankfulness to Thee ; that I may make it my joy to perform
duty to Thee. And after my painful life ended, bring me,
I beseech Thee, to Thy joys, to Thy glory, to Thyself; that
I and my parents, with all Thy saints and servants departed
this life, may meet in a blessed glorious resurrection, ever to
sing praises and honour to Thee, in and through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
y [His father was a clothier in sister of Sir William Webbe, of Berk-
the parish of St. Lawrence, Reading ; shire, a salter, and Lord Mayor of
his mother, the widow of John Robin- London in 1591.]
son, also a clothier, was Lucy Webbe,
ANNIVERSARIA. 81
O Deus meus, respice servum Tuum, et miserere mei secun- Dec. 26,
dum viscera misericordise Tuse. Scandalum ecce factus sum era t
Nomini Tuo, dum ambition! mese et aliorum peccatis servio. et Festum
Quin et hoc, licet aliorum suasu, oblatrante tamen conscientia n i. Com.
perpetravi. Obsecro, Domine, per misericordias Jesu, ne
intres in judicium cum servo Tuo, sed exaudi sanguinem Ejus 1609.
pro me perorantem : nee hoc conjugium sit animse mese
divortium a sinu Tuo. O quanto satius fuisset, si vel hujus
diei satis memor, martyrium cum proto-martyre Tuo potius
perpessus essem, negando quod urgebant, aut non satis fidi,
aut noil satis pii amici mei. Pollicitus sum mihi tenebras
peccato huic, sed ecce statim evolavit, nee lux magis aperta,
quam ego qui feci. Ita voluisti, Domine, prse nimia miseri-
cordia Tua implere ignominia faciem meam, ut discerem
quaerere Nomen Tuum. O Domine, quam gravis adhuc est
memoria peccati hujus etiam hodie, etiam post tot et toties
repetitas preces a tristi et confusa anima mea coram Te
profusas. O Domine miserere, exaudi preces depressi et
humiliati valde servi Tui. Parce, Domine, et remitte peccata,
quse peccatum hoc et induxerunt et sequuta sunt. Nam
confiteor, Domine, iterum et eodem die revolventis anni, nee
satis, adhuc cautus, aut satis humilis factus in aliud grave
peccatum incidi; lapidatus iterum non pro, sed a peccato.
Nunc plene suscita me, Domine, ne moriar ultra in peccatis
meis ; sed des ut vivam, et vivens gaudeam in Te, per merita
et miserationes Jesu Christi Salvatoris nostri. Amen.
O merciful God, Thou hast shewed me much mercy, and Julii 28,
done great things for me ; and as I was returning, instead of
thankfulness, I wandered out of my way from Thee, into a E - B a
foul and a strange path. There Thou madest me see both my 6,16/1-2 !>
folly and my weakness ; Lord, make me ever see them, ever
sorry for them. O Lord, for my Saviour s sake forgive me
the folly, and strengthen me against the weakness for ever.
Lord, forgive all my sins, and this ; and make me by Thy
z [It is thus noticed in the Diary : Robert, Lord Eich, for adultery with
" My Cross about the Earl of Devon s himself. The Earl persuaded his
marriage, Dec. 26, 1605." Chaplain, then Dr. Laud, to marry
This marriage was celebrated be- them at Wanstead, on St. Stephen s
tween Charles, Lord Mounljoy, Earl of day, 1605.]
Devonshire, and Penelope, daughter a [The entry in the Diary is, ....
of Walter, Earl of Essex; who had " Cum E. B. July 28, 1617. primo."]
been divorced from her husband, b [See below, note e .]
LAUD. VOL. in.
82 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
grace Thy most true, humble, and faithful servant all the
days of my life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Sept. 26, O misericors Pater, quo me vertam ? Qui et exeundo et
V^nerfe? 6 revertendo peccavi contra Te. Abii cum prodigo prodigus in
Ignis et longinquam regionem. Dissipavi substantiam meam, Tuam
hide? U a luxuriose. Ibi primum sensi omnia consumpta, et me dig-
num non meliori quam porcorum consortio : nee tamen aut
vita ilia immunda, aut fames gratise, de reditu ad meliorem
frugem vel cogitare fecit. Reversum jam ab itinere infausto
ecce judicia Tua, Domine, insequuntur me. Ignis corripit
tecta sub quibus sum ; vidit enim Deus, nee multum distulit,
sed ignis accensus est in Jacob, et ira ascendit in Israel. Et
scelera (non dubito) mea conflagrationem collegio minitaban-
tur, et mihi. Nam dum igni exstinguendo intentior sum,
parum abfuit, quin ab igne extinguerer. Quam ecce miseri-
cordia Tua, Domine, vix sine miraculo me flammis eripuit.
Nam dum arnica manus astantis me vi quadam amovit, eodem
instanti ex eodem loco, ubi pedem figere decrevi, prorupit
inclusus ignis, in flammas subsidunt gradus, et ego, si ibi inve-
nisset incendium, una periissem. O peccata mea nunquam
satis deflenda ! O misericordia Tua, Domine, nunquam satis
prsedicanda ! O pcenitentia nunquam mihi magis necessaria !
O gratia Tua, Domine, humillime et jugiter imploranda !
Surgo, O Domine Pater, et ecce venio ; lento quidem et insta-
bili gressu, sed venio, et confiteor : peccavi enim in ccelum et
contra Te, nee dignus sum vocari films Tuus. Sim, O Domine,
quid vis, modo Tuus. Ablue peccata mea in sanguine Filii
Tui, ut sim Tuus. Et concede, obsecro, ut sicut turn terror,
ita quotidie memoria ignis hujus exurat fasces omnes et reli-
quias peccatorum meorum : ut me cautiorem factum melior
ignis charitatis et devotionis in amorem Tui et in odium
peccati accendat, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum.
Amen.
Feb. 5, O Domine misericors, glorificetur beatissimum nomen
1628, die m
Martis luum : ecce enim ego, dum pro officio regem sequor, et Tui,
JuHano et numanorum casuum immemor, et mihi prsefidens, infausto
Fendonem in via saltu in terram infidam incidi, et tendonem fregi d .
c [" St. John s College on fire under d [" Feb. 5. (1627-8.) Tuesday.
the staircase in the Chaplain s Cham- The straining of the back sinew of my
ber, by the library, Sept. 26, 1617."] right leg, as I went with His Majesty
ANNIVEESARIA. 83
Levatus in currum, Hamptoniam perveni. Cruciatus tails fuit, fregi, et
qualem nervi sentire solent. Et certe in febrem ferventiorem
ipse angor conjecisset, nisi ingens defluxus sanguinis me ab inter am-
illo metu liberasset. Magna infirmitate laboravi, et fere per j n cubiculo
biennium claudus incessi. Infirmitatem aliquam adhuc sentio. * n T . urri
m-i .-,... London.
sed, gratise immortales Tibi, O beatissima Trmitas, usum satis Anno
perfectum crurium dedisti mihi, et confirmasti, prseter omnium 1(
exspectationem, gressus meos. Dirigas nunc eos, O Dornine,
in viis mandate rum Tuorum, ut nunquam vel inter Te et
falsum cultum, vel inter Te et mundum claudicem ; sed recta
pergam, et viam testimoniorum Tuorum curram, quum dilatasti
cor meum. Oro itaque, ne differ as vel dilatationem cordis, vel
confirm a tionem pedum in semitis justificationum Tuarum, per
et propter Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
O eternal God, and my most merciful Father, as this day Mail 11,
the fury of the enraged multitude was fierce upon me and my nouse a t y
house, to destroy me and to pillage it, it pleased Thee in Lambeth
mercy to preserve both, and bring some of them to shame violent
and punishment. I have sinned many ways against Thee,
Lord, and this was a loud call of Thine, and a merciful, to
bring me to repentance, which I beseech Thee give me grace
to hear and obey. But what I have done to hurt or offend
them, that should stir up this rage against me, I know not.
Lord, in Thy mercy look down upon me ; fill my heart with
thankfulness for this great deliverance, and suffer me not to
forget it, or the examination which I took of myself upon it.
And as for them and their like, let them not have their
desire, O Lord, let not their mischievous imaginations
prosper against me, nor their fury lay hold upon me; lest
they be too proud, and lest I end my weary days in misery.
Yet forgive them, O Lord, for they know not why they did
to Hampton Court. I kept in till night my house at Lambeth was beset
1 preached at the opening of Parlia- with 500 of these rascal routers. I had
ment, but I continued lame long notice, and strengthened the house as
after."] well as I could ; and God be thanked,
e ["March 6, Sunday. After Ser- I had no harm: they continued there
mon, as 1 was walking up and down full two hours. Since, I have fortified
my chamber, before dinner, without my house as well as 1 can ; and hope
any slip or treading awry, the sinew all may be safe. But yet libels are
of my right leg gave a great crack, continually set up in all places of note
and brake asunder in the same place in the city.
where I had broken it before, Feb. 5, " My deliverance was great : God
1627-8."] make me thankful for it." Diary in
{ ["May II. Monday night. At mid- an. 1640.]
G 2
84 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
it. And according to Thy wonted mercy preserve me to
serve Thee, and let the same watchful protection which now
defended me, guard me through the remainder of my life ;
and this for Thine own goodness sake, and the merits of my
Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen.
Dec. is, O eternal God and merciful Father, I humbly beseech
Icc^edT^ Thee look down upon me in this time of my great and
the House gr i e vous affliction. Lord, if it be Thy blessed will, make
of Com- 5 i .1 - j *
mons of mine innocency appear, and free both me and my prolession
from a11 scandal tmi s raised on me. And howsoever, if Thou
be pleased to try me to the uttermost, I humbly beseech
Thee, give me full patience, proportionable comfort, content
ment with whatsoever Thou sendest, and an heart ready to
die for Thy honour, the King s happiness, and this Church s
preservation. And my zeal to these is all the sin (human
frailty exceptcd) which is yet known to me in this particular,
for which I thus suffer. Lord, look upon me in mercy, and
for the merits of Jesus Christ pardon all my sins many and
great, which have drawn down this judgment upon me, and
then in all things do with me as seems best in Thine own
eyes; and make me not only patient under, but thankful
for whatsoever Thou dost, O Lord, my strength and my
Redeemer. Amen.
October O eternal God and merciful Father, after long imprison-
I received TOent I am now at last called to answer; I most humbly
additional beseech Thee to strengthen me through this trial, to preserve
articles
and sum- the patience with which Thou hast hitherto blessed me
l through this affliction. Suffer no coarse language, or other
provocation, to make me speak or do anything that may
misbecome my person, mine age, my calling, or my present
["Dec. 18. Friday. I was accused papers as pertained to my defence
by the House of Commons for High against the Scots. I stayed at Lam-
Treason, without any particular charge beth till the evening, to avoid the
laid against me ; which they said gazing of the people. 1 went to Even-
should be prepared in convenient ing Prayer in my chapel. The Psalms
time. Mr. Denzell Hollys was the of the day, Psal. xciii. and xciv., and
man that brought up the message to chap. 1. of Esai, gave me great com-
the Lords. Soon after, the charge was fort. God make me worthy of it, and
brought into the Upper House by the fit to receive it.
Scottish Commissioners, tending to "As I went to my barge, hundreds
prove me an Incendiary. I was pre- of my poor neighbours stood there,
sently committed to the Gentleman and prayed for my safety, and return
Usher; but was permitted to go in his to my house. For which I bless God
company to my house at Lambeth, for and them." Diary, in an. 1640.]
a book or two to read in, and such
ANNIVEHSAEIA. 85
condition. And, Lord, I beseech Thee, make me able to
clear to the world that innocency which is in my heart con
cerning this charge laid against me. Grant this, O Lord,
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen.
O merciful Lord, I have had a long and a tedious trial j Nov. 1 ,
and I give Thee humble and hearty thanks for the wonderful ir^ ve( j
strength that I have received from Thee in the bearing up of summons
my weakness. Lord, continue all Thy mercies towards me, tbe^
for the storm gathers and grows black upon me, and what it House of
r Commons
threatens is best known to Thee. After a long trial I am next morn-
called to answer in the House of Commons, and that not to mg h>
evidence, but to one single man s report of evidence, and that
made without oath. What this may produce in present or
in future, Thou knowest also. O Lord, furnish me with
patience and true Christian wisdom and courage, to bear up
against this drift, and send not out Thy storms to beat upon
me also ; but look comfortably upon me to my end, in and
through the merits of Jesus Christ, my Lord and only
Saviour. Amen.
h [These last two prayers must have this place, either by Laud for his own
been written by the Archbishop dur- use, or by the original Editor ; but as
ing the time that he was deprived of the MS. is lost, this latter point can-
his Book of Prayers, (as stated on the not be ascertained.]
next page,) and afterwards inserted in
86
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
August.
Ibidem.
8 b *
Ibidem.
2C *
Ibidem.
PRAYERS added since the restoring of this book to me, which
was taken from me in a search made by Mr. Prinne,
May 31, 1643 ; and with much difficulty restored unto me
Nov. 6, 1644
O DOMINE, ad adventum Tuum secundum paratus sim, ne
talem me non invenias, qualem voluisti irivenire, qui omnia
pro me passus es, ut invenires talem, cui non supplicia
inferres, sed prsemia redderes sempiterna. Amen.
O Domine, cum Christi adjutorio sic agere studeam, ut Te
tarn pium Dominum, non solum hospitem recipere possim,
sed etiam perpetuum habitatorem habeam, per Jesum
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.
O aeterne Deus, auxilium Tuum imploro, ut veram discre-
tionem, et perfectam charitatem prsestare mihi pro Tua
pietate digneris, cui est gloria et imperium cum Patre et
Spiritu Sancto in ssecula sa3culorum. Amen.
O Domine misericors, qui tanta mihi beneficia concessisti,
des insuper mihi cum omni humilitate fidem rectam tenere,
charitatem integram cum omnibus hominibus conservare,
mundo corde et casto corpore Tibi Domino meo servire, usque
ad finem vitee serio laborem, ut post labores desiderabilem
illam vocem audire possim ; Euge serve bone, intra in gau-
dium Domini tui. Amen.
MEDITATIONES PR^EPARANTES AD MORTEM.
O Lord, quicken and comfort my soul, for I have sinned
against Thee. Lord, I call to mind all the years of my life
a [Al. Senn. ccxxxviii. in Append. c [Al. Serm. Ixvi. in Append. Op ..
Op., torn. v. col. 2968. A.B.] torn. v. coll. 2491. D. 2492. A.]
b [Al. Serm. xxxviii. in Append. d [Al. Serm. xli. in Append. Op.,
Op., torn, y, col. 2414. A.B.] torn. v. col. 2422. B.C.]
MEDITATIONES PILEPARANTES AD MORTEM. 87
past in the bitterness of my soul for my sin. My misdeeds
have prevailed against me, O be Thou merciful unto my sin ;
O for Thy Name s sake be merciful unto my sin, for it is
great. Amen.
Namely and especially, O Lord, be merciful unto me, &c.
Herein, O Lord, be merciful unto Thy servant. O Lord,
lay not these, nor the rest, unto my charge.
O let the depth of my sin call upon the depth of Thy
mercies, of Thy grace. Lord, let it come, that where my sin
hath abounded, grace may superabound.
Lord, I believe, help Thou my unbelief.
O Lord, though Thou kill me, yet will I put my trust in
Thee.
Though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death,
yet will I fear no evil : for I hope verily to see the goodness
of the Lord in the land of the living.
O let this cup pass from me ; nevertheless, if it may not
pass from me, but that I must drink of it, Thy will be done.
Thou art the Lord, do what seemeth good in Thine own
eyes.
For I will take it as the cup of salvation, and give thanks
to Thy Name, O Lord.
O Lord, grant that all the days of my appointed time upon
earth I may wait, when my changing shall come.
O that Thou wouldst hide me in the grave, and keep me
secret until Thy wrath be past, and appoint me a time in
which Thou wilt remember me !
Say unto my soul, O say it now, I am Thy Salvation.
Command my spirit, whenever Thou wilt command it, to
be received up to Thee in peace.
O bid me come unto Thee : say unto me, This day shalt
thou be with Me in Paradise.
Lord, thus, and now, let Thy servant depart in peace, that
mine eyes may see Thy salvation e .
Lord, Thou blessed Trinity, three Persons and one God,
have mercy upon me.
1 commend myself into Thy hands as to a faithful Creator.
* [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp.
208, 209.]
88 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Lord, receive Thine own creature, not made by any strange
god, but by Thee, the only living and true God.
Ts. Despise not, O Lord, the work of Thine own hands.
cxxxvm. 8. j ^^ crea ted to Thine own image and likeness ; O suffer
uen. 11.
Eph.vi. 24. not Thine own image to be defaced, but renew it again m
righteousness and true holiness.
I commend myself into Thy hands, as to a most gracious
Redeemer; for Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of
Truth.
O Lord, I am the price of Thy blood, of Thy most precious
blood ; O suffer not so great, so invaluable a price to perish.
Lord, Thou earnest down from heaven to redeem that
which was lost ; suffer not that to be lost which Thou hast
redeemed.
1 commend myself into Thy hands, as to my most blessed
Comforter.
O Lord, I am weary and heavy laden, and I come to Thee
to be refreshed by Thee. Behold, O Lord, I have been
the temple of Thy Holy Spirit ; I have, I confess, strangely
polluted it ; yet destroy me not, but dedicate me anew, and
sanctify me to Thyself yet once again.
Dan.ix.l9. O Lord, I wear Thy Name; tis Thy Name that is called
upon me. For Thy Name s sake, therefore, be merciful unto
me. O spare, Lord, if not me, yet Thine own Name in me.
And do not so remember my sin, O Lord do not, as that
Neb. i. 11. in remembering it, Thou forget Thine own Name. I have
desired to fear Thy Name, to love and to honour Thy Name.
And I now desire to depart this life in the invocation and
confession of Thy Name. Lord, I confess it, and call upon
it, O come, Lord Jesu. Amen f .
Peccavi, O Domine !
1. Sed non negavi Te : O nunquam prsevaleat Inimicus ut
negem.
2. Sed credo; O Domine, adauge fidem, et non confundar in
set er num.
3. Sed spero; et quse spes mea nisi Tu solus? suscipe me
secundum eloquium Tuum, et non confundar ab exspecta-
tione mea.
f [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp. 188, 189.]
MED1TATIONES PR^PARANTES AD MORTEM. 89
Sed prseparavi et direxi cor meum ad Te queer endum : et
etiamsi non secundum munditiem sanctuarii, tamen linum
fumigans et quassam arundinem nee exstinguas nee frangas,
O Domine Jesu.
Sed patienter sustineo castigationem Tuam, et taceo quia
Tu fecisti.
Sed remitto debitoribus meis, et Tu pollicitus es remissio-
nem remittent!.
Sed projicio me in Te ; ne Te subtrahas, et venientem ad
Te ne ejicias foras.
Sed in nominis Tui confessione et invocatione opto de-
cedere.
Quare non propter me, O Domine Jesu, aut quicquam
mei, sed propter Temetipsum, propter Nomen Tuum, propter
gloriam Nominis Tui, et veritatem Tuam, propter miseri-
cordias Tuas multas, magnas, mirificas, propter Christum
Mediatorem, et Spiritum Paracletum, suscipe reversum ad se,
et revertentem ad Te. Amen&.
Et ideo, O Domine Deus meus !
Inter Te et me,
Christum Sacerdotem, Agnum, Sacrificium ;
Inter Satanam et me,
Christum Eegem, Leonem, Triumphum ;
Inter peccatum et me,
Christi innocentiam in vita ;
Inter poenam peccatorum et me,
Christi satisfactionem, passionem, sanguinem;
Inter defectum justitiae et me,
Christi justitiam, obedientiam absolutam ;
Inter defectum ad prsemium et me,
Christi meritum ;
Inter defectum doloris pro peccatis, et me,
Christi lacrymas, et sudorem ;
Inter defectum fervoris in orando et me,
Christi intercessionem ;
Inter accusationem Satanse vel proprise conscientiae,
et me,
[Conf. ibid. pp. 189, 190.]
90 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Christum Advocatum ;
Inter concupiscentiam et me,
Christ! charitatem ostendo, offero, commemoro. Acceptum
habe, Domine, propter Christum Ipsum. Amen h .
Peccavi, O Domine f
Sed non abscondo peccatum.
Sed non excuse.
Sed ultro fateor.
Sed recogito in amaritudine animse.
Sed meipsum propter peccata in Te odi : des gratiam, ut
judicem et vindicem; ut non sine venia exeam e vita hac mihi
miserrima. Amen.
Ps.lxxviii. O Lord, I have not only sinned, but provoked Thee with
many and grievous sins ; yet, I beseech Thee, remember that
I am but flesh, even a wind that passeth, and cometh not
again.
Et plus potest ad salutem misericordia Servatoris, quam ad
perniciem nequitia mei peccatoris. Amen.
S. August. O Domine Jesu, non habebas Tu quare morereris, et
S. Joan! 1 niortuus es pro me : ego habeo quare des gratiam, ne de-
digner mori, et paratus sim. Amen.
O Domine Jesu, propter illam amaritudinem quam pro me
miserrimo sustinuisti in cruce ; maxime in ilia hora, quando
nobilissima anima Tua egressa est de benedicto corpore Tuo,
deprecor Te, miserere animse inese in egressu suo, et perdue
earn in vitam seternam. Amen.
PRO INFIRMIS.
Deus, sub cujus nutibus vitse nostrse momenta decurrunt,
suscipe, quseso, preces meas pro segrotantibus famulis Tuis,
pro quibus humillime misericordise Tuse auxilium imploro. Ut
reddita sibi sanitate, gratiarum Tibi in Ecclesia Tua referant
actiones, per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.
h [Compare Andrewes Manual for 190, 191.]
the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp. l [ 13. Op., torn, iii. col. 1706. B.C.]
VISITATIO INFIRMI. 91
VISITATIO INFIRMI.
Escistimasne ?
Nullum morbum aut crucem casu evenire cuiquam, vel 1.
tern ere,
Quin immitti a Deo, citra cujus providentiam neminem 2.
morbo laborare ?
Deum autem sapientissimum, ut nihil unquam permittat 3.
contingere, nisi quum expedit ?
Expedire itaque tibi morbum hunc vel crucem, quern vel 4.
quam tibi nunc immisit Deus.
Porro Deum paterno erga nos animo esse. Patrem autem, 5.
sive indulgeat sive castiget, seque Patrem esse : nee minore,
et forsan majore, hoc quam illud amore facere.
Bona tibi diu dedisse, nunc mala dare ; sed nee mala hsec, 6.
nisi ut majoris boni causa sint, nempe ut redeas ad Ilium.
Gratise esse hoc, quod toties a te repulsus, tamen nee sic 7.
deserat ; quin visitet te denuo, et requirat te.
Si sic ; subdes hac in re Divinse voluntati voluntatem tuam,
sacrincium omnium (post Christi) Deo gratissimum k .
Confiterisne ?
Non tarn bene vixisse te quam oportuit ? imo vixisse te 1.
male, ssepeque et graviter peccasse ?
Estne peccatum aliquod prseter vel supra csetera? vel 2.
suntne peccata aliqua, quse gravent conscientiam tuam, ut
peculiaris absolutionis beneficio tibi sit opus ?
Estne scrupulus aliquis circa ea quse sunt fidei, vel reli- 3.
gionis ?
Recogitasne annos elapsos vitse tuse in amaritudine animaj 4.
tuse?
Cuperesne majorem pro iis amaritudinem sentire, quam 5.
sentis? et gauderesne, si sentires? et doletne, quod majorem
non sentias?
Petisne illuminari de iis quse ignoras, vel oblitus es, ut de 6.
iis poenitere possis ? et pcenitetne id etiam quod vel ignoras,
vel oblitus es ?
k [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. p. 181.]
92 PllIVATE DEVOTIONS.
7. Estne propositum, si vixeris, judicandi te, et vindicandi in
teipsum quod deliquisti?
8. Estne propositum, si vixeris, emendandi vitam, et devitandi
turn media, turn signa eorum, quse hacterms peccasti ?
9. Hoccine sancte promittis ?
10. An petis de hoc promisso admoneri te libere 1 ?
Credisne ?
1. QuEe in Symbolo sunt fidei Christianse semel sanctis
traditse ?
2. Te servari noil posse, nisi ea credas ?
3. Lsetarisne et gratias agis Deo, quod in hac fide natus es,
vixisti, et jam morieris in ea?
4. Petisne ipse, et visne nos tuo nomine a Deo supplices
petere, ne deficiat in te fides lisec ad ipsum, atque adeo ne in
ipso mortis articulo ?
5. Petisne etiam, ut fructus fidei hujus, et prsecipue mortis
Jesu Christi, utcunque in vita tua periit, tamen ne pereat in
morte ?
6. Si te sensus defecerit, aut dolor seu debilitas eousque per-
tulerit, ut qusedam tibi excidant contra religionem, seu prae-
cepta ejus, visne haberi pro non dictis ? et renunciasne iis
tanquam non tuis m ?
Remittisne ?
1. Illis, qui te quocunque modo Iseserint, sicut tibi vis
remitti ?
2. Petisne a Deo, ut Ipse quoque illis remittat ?
3. Kemittisne illis satisfactionem ad quam tenentur ratione
illorum, quibus te verbo vel facto Iseserunt ?
4. Yisne hoc illis, qui in te peccarunt, tuo nomine significari;
te illis quantum in te est noxas omnes remisisse ?
5. Remissurusne esses, si graviora et plura in te deliquissent ?
6. Gauderesne, si plures jam haberes quibus remittere possis,
quo inde uberius tibi remissio peccatorum tuorum a Deo
impertiri possit n ?
1. Tu ipse si quos Isesisti, petisne ab iis veniam, ut et tibi
remittant ?
1 [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. m [Ibid. p. 185.]
Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp. 184, 185.] " [Ibid, p, 186. J
SYMBOLUM APOSTOLICUM. 93
Ecquos imprimis commeministi, et vis significari illis hoc 2.
tuo nomine ?
Quum remissio nulla sperari potest peccatorum contra 3.
octavum vel nonum prseceptum Legis Divinse, nisi fiat resti-
tutio ; paratusne es restituere illis rem, quibus in re fami-
liari, et illis famam, quibus in fama detraxisti; idque sine
dolo, et dilatione?
Recordarisne qui tandem sint. 4.
SYMBOLUM APOSTOLICUM.
Credo, Domine, (Tu mese incredulitati subvenito,) esse Te
Unum Deum, Patrem, Filium, Spiritum Sanctum.
Pro summa Tua beriignitate et potentia, creasse coelos et
t err am.
Pro immensa charitate omnia in Christo recapitulasse.
Qui caro factus et conceptus est. Natus. Passus. Cruci-
fixus. Mortuus. Sepultus. Descendit. Resurrexit.
Ascendit. Assedit. Ilevertetur. Retribuet.
Virtute et operatione Spiritus Sancti, ex universo vocasse
Ecclesiam ad sanctitatem.
In ea nos consequi bonorum participationem, et peccatorum
remissionem.
In ea nos exspectare carnis resurrectionem_, vitam seternami 3 .
Credo, Domine, (O supple defectus fidei mese !)
Patris benevolum affectum.
Omnipotentis potentiam salutarem.
Creatoris providentiam in custodia ; gubernatione, consum-
matione mundi.
Credo magnum pietatis mysteriurn, propter nos liomines,
pro nostra salute Dium in carne revelatum, Filium Patris,
Unctum Spiritus, Dominum Jesum.
Conceptum esse, et natum; ad purgandani impuritatem
conceptionis et nativitatis nostrse.
Passum esse; quse nos oportuit, (inexplicabilia) ne nos
oporteret.
[Conf. ibid. pp. 186, 187.] P [Conf. Andrewcs, Free. Priv. pp. 44. 46.]
94 PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
Crucifixum, mortuum, et sepultum ; ne hsec pro eo timea-
mus subire.
Descendisse ; quo nos oportuit, et ne nos omnino.
Resurrexisse, ascendisse, consedisse ; ubi nihil nobis, et ut
nos quoque.
Adventurum Judicem mundi, ut nos assumat.
Credo Eum esse,
In conceptione et generatione, naturae purgatorem;
In passione crucis, mortis sepulturse, redemptorem personse;
In descensu, triumphatorem inferni et mortis ;
In resurrectione, primitias dormientium ;
In ascensione, prsecursorem ;
In sessione, paracletum sive advocatum ;
In secundo adventu et judicio, consummatorem fidei q .
Sic loco
Abaddon^ Jesum intueor.
Satanse, Mediator em.
Diaboli, Paracletum.
Delatoris, Intercessorem.
Captivantis, Eedemptorem.
Aculei, Christum r .
Credo autem et Spiritus vim vivificam, sanctificantem,
Invisibiliter, extra, efficaciter, tanquam ventus,
In increpatione, compunctione, doctrina, commonefactione,
advocatione_, consolatione^ attestatione, di^Pusione charitatis,
illuminatione cognitionis.
Credo prseterea Spiritus Sancti corpus mysticum vocato-
rum ex universo mundo^ ad fidem veritatis et sanctitatem
vitse ;
Membrorum vero corporis reciprocam participationem ;
Praeterea remissionem peccatorum in prsesenti, spem vero
resurrectionis et translationis ad vitam seternam 8 .
Domine, adde mihi fidem; non fidem quselegem annihilet;
rper charitatem operantem,
Sed fidem < operibus efficacem,
Lvincentem mundum ;
i [Conf. Andre wes, Preces Priv. pp. r [Ibid. p. 341.1
112. 114. 340.] [Ibid. p. 342.]
CONSCIENTLE QUOT1DIANUM EXAMEN. 95
Sanctissimam denique, ut Te amem ut Patrem, verear ut
Omnipotentem ;
Ut fideli Creator! animam in beneficentia committam ;
Ut in me Christus formetur ; ego vero conformer imagini
Ejus;
Ut pro iis, quse pro me passus est, agam gratias ; Ipsi com-
patiar : pro Ipso patiar, quodcunque Ipsi visum fuerit ;
Ut pro Ejus cruce, morte, sepultura ulciscar, crucifigam,
interimam, sepeliain, quod istis causam prsebuit, peccatum ;
Ut pro descensu ad inferos, vivus frequenti meditatione
descendam in infernum ;
Ut conformer resurrection! Ejus^ in novitatem vitse resur-
gens;
Ascensioni vero, quse sunt supra meditans, et quserens ;
Ut et consessus sim memor, quoties dono aliquo coelestis
consolationis egeo ; et quoties in invocatione frigeo ;
Adventus autem, et judicii nunquam obliviscar ;
. Tubse resonantis sonum semper audiam, et semper orem,
donee ad dextram constitutus sim. Amen*.
CONSCIENTI^E QUOTID1ANTJM EXAMEN.
O anima mea !
An egisti Deo pro acceptis beneficiis gratias? 1.
An petiisti gratiam a Deo pro cognitione et expulsione 2,
peccatorum ?
An exegisti a te ipsa rationem de admissis prcesenti die 3.
peccatis, cogitatione, verbo, opere, per singulas horas ex quo
evigilasti ?
An expetiisti veniam de delictis? An proposuisti cum 4.
Dei gratia emendationem ?
Benedicta sit sancta et individua Trinitas nunc et semper,
et in ssecula sseculorum. Amen.
* [Conf. Andrewes, Tree. Priv. p. 341.]
96
PRIVATE DEVOTIONS.
ITINERARIUM.
O Domine, stellam ducem non sum meritus, tribue tamen,
quxso, mihi iter prosperum, tempus tranquillum, reditum
felicem. Ut, angelo Tuo sancto comite et custode, ad eum
quo pergo locum, deinde ad domum propriam, et demum ad
seternre salutis portum, pervenire feliciter valeam, per Jesum
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen u .
Adesto, quseso, Domine, et me famulum Tuum eustodi;
esto mihi in lubrico baculus, in naufragio portus. Ut, Te
duce, quo tendo prospere perveniam, et demum incolumis ad
propria redeam, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum.
Amen x .
Exaudi, Domine, supplicationes meas, et viam famuli Tui
dispone : ut inter omnes vitse et via? hujus varietates, Tuo
semper protegar auxilio, per Jesum Christum Dominum
nostrum. Amen y.
O Domine, salvum me fac servum Tuum sperantem in Te.
Mitte mihi auxilium de Sancto,, et de Sion tuere me. Esto
mihi turris fortitudinis a facie Inimici. Nihil proficiat Ini-
micus in me, et nlius iniquitatis non opponat nocere mihi.
O prosperum iter faciat mihi Deus salutarium nostrorum.
Domine, exaudi orationem meam, et clamor meus ad Te
veniat, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen z .
AT THE LAYING OE THE FIRST STONE OE A CHAPEL.
Hammer- O Lord, merciful and gracious, this Thy people are pre-
Chapel, paring to build a place for Thy service : accept, I humbly
March 11, beseech Thee, their present devotion, and make them perfect
both in their present and future duty; that while Thou
givest them ease to honour Thee, they may with the greater
alacrity go on in Thy service. And now, O Lord, I have by
Thy mercy and goodness put to my hand to lay the first
stone in this building; tis a corner-stone, make it, I beseech
u [Vide Itinerarium apud Brev.
Rom.J
* [Ibid.]
y [Liturg. Angl. e Miss. Sarisb.]
[Vide Itinerarium a pud Brev.
Rom.]
LAYING THE FIRST STONE OF A CHAPEL. 97
Thee, a happy foundation, a durable building. Let it rise
up, and be made, and continue, a house of prayer and devo
tion through all ages ; that Thy people may here be taught
to believe in Jesus Christ, the true Corner-stone, upon whom
they and their souls may be built safe for ever. Grant this
for the merit of the same Jesus Christ, our most blessed Lord
and Saviour ; to Whom, with the Father and the Holy Spirit,
be ascribed all power, majesty,and dominion, this day and
for ever. Amen 8 .
* [See Prynne s Remarks on this Prayer, Cajit. Doom, p. 125-]
LAUD. VOL. in.
PRAYERS
UPON SUNDRY PUBLIC OCCASIONS,
For the MOST gracious God, we humbly beseech Thee, as for this
"/Pariia-^ kingdom in general, so especially for the High Court of Par-
ment,l625. liament, under our most religious and gracious King at this
Jej^niTob time assembled ; that Thou wouldest be pleased to bless and
Pestem direct all their consultations, to the preservation of Thy glory,
STmT" tne good of Tnv Church, the safety, honour, and welfare of
our Sovereign and his kingdoms. Lord, look upon the
humility and devotion with which they are come into Thy
courts. And they are come into Thy house in assured con
fidence upon the merits and mercies of Christ, our blessed
Saviour, that Thou wilt not deny them the grace and favour
which they beg of Thee. Therefore, O Lord, bless them with
that wisdom which Thou knowest necessary to speed and
bring great designs into action, and to make the maturity of
his Majesty s and their counsels the happiness and the bless
ing of this commonwealth. These, and all other necessaries,
for them, for us, and Thy whole Church, we humbly beg in
the name and mediation of Jesus Christ, our most blessed
Lord and Saviour. Amen.
For the O eternal God, and our most gracious Father, Thou art
1625^ ^ ie -kord f Hosts, and the strength of all nations is from
Thee; if Thou keepest not the city, the watchman waketh
a [This Prayer occurs at the begin- and Jan. 18, 1625.]
ning of the Form of Common Prayer, b [Directed to be used in the same
together with an Order of Fasting, &c. Form of Prayer, after the Prayer for
London, 1625, in the preparing of the King s Majesty in the Communion
which Archbishop Laud (then Bishop Service. It was in this year that an
of London), Bishop Andrewes, and expedition was sent out under the
others, had a part. See Diary. June 24, Duke of Buckingham to Cadiz.]
PRAYERS UPON SUNDRY PUBLIC OCCASIONS. 99
but in vain ; and no victory can wait upon the justest designs,
upon the wisest counsels, upon the strongest armies, if Thou
teach not their hands to war, and their fingers to fight.
Thou art the steady hope of all the ends of the earth, and of
them which go and remain in the broad sea. Lord, at this
time we need Thy more special assistance both by land and
sea; and for the mercy of Christ deny us neither. Be with
our armies, and the armies of our allies and associates by
land; be with our navy at sea. Be not from the one, nor
from the other, in power and in great mercy, until Thou hast
brought them back with honour and a settled peace. Lord,
turn our enemies sword into their own bosom ; for we sought
peace and ensued it, and while we did so, they did more than
make themselves ready to battle. We are Thy servants,
truly and heartily sorry for our sins. Lord, forgive them,
and then we will trust upon Thee, that Thou wilt pour down
all Thy blessings upon this and all other designs and actions
of this State, undertaken for Thy glory, the honour of our
most gracious King Charles, and the peace and welfare of
this Church and commonwealth. Grant this, we humbly
beseech Thee, for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Mediator
and Advocate. Amen.
Most gracious God, we humbly beseech Thee pardon and In Time of
forgive all our many, great, and grievous transgressions,
We may not hope Thou wilt take off Thy punishments, until sonable
Thou hast forgiven our sins : we may not think Thou wilt
forgive our sins, until our humiliation and repentance come
to ask forgiveness. We have been too slow to come, and
now Thou hast apparelled Thy mercy in justice, to force us
to Thee. Lord, we believe ; but do Thou increase our faith,
our devotion, our repentance, and all Christian virtues in us.
At this time the vials of Thy heavy displeasure drop down upon
us, and while we smart under one judgment, Thou threatenest
c [In the same Form of Prayer, after " Junii 18. Dies Sabbati erat. Ini-
the Prayer for the Church Militant, tium dedit primo sub serenissimo E.
Compare the following extracts from Carolo parliamento, toties dilato. In-
Diary : terfuere dux de Shiveruz et alii nobiles
"Junii 16. Die Jovis. Eex et Ee- Gallise; Episcopus etiam, qui Reginas
gina Londinum venerunt. Salutave- inservivit. Metu pestilentise, quae turn
runt aulam ad horam quintam. Dies cospit grassari, abstinuit Eex a pompa
erat tristior, et nubibus operta. . . Mag- illius diei ; ne populus in multitude
nus e coelo cecidit imber. nem conflueret."]
H 2
]00 PRAYERS UPON SUNDRY
the rest. The pestilence spreads in our streets, and so as if
it sought whom to devour. No strength is able to stand
against it, and it threatens to make families, nay cities, deso
late. While the pestilence eats up Thy people, we hear the
sound of war, and the sword calleth for such as it would
devour. In the meantime, the heavens are black over us,
and the clouds drop leanness; and it will be famine, to
swallow what the pestilence and the sword shall leave alive,
unless Thou send more seasonable weather to give the fruits
of the earth in their season. Our sins have deserved all this,
and more, and we neither do nor can deny it. We have no-
whither to go but to mercy : we have no way to that, but by
the all-sufficient merit of Thy Son our blessed Saviour.
Lord, for His merit and mercies sake look down upon us
Thy distressed servants; command Thine angel to stay his
hand; and remember that in death we cannot praise Thee,
nor give thanks in the pit. Go forth with our armies when
they go, and make us remember that all our strength and
deliverance is in Thee. Clear up the heavens over us, and
take not from us the great plenty with which Thou hast
crowned the earth : but remember us, O Thou that feedest
the ravens when they call upon Thee. Lord, we need all Thy
mercies to come upon us, and Thy mercies are altogether in
Christ, in whom, and for whose sake, we beg them of Thee,
who livest and reignest in the unity of the Spirit, one God,
world without end. Amen.
In Danger O eternal God and most merciful Father, we humbly
1626 d mies> beseech Thee be merciful unto us, and be near to help us in
all those extremities which our sins threaten to bring upon
us. Our enemies are strengthened against us, by our multi
plied rebellions against Thee. And we deserve to suffer
whatever our enemies threaten. But there is mercy with
Thee, that Thou mayest be feared. O Lord, show us this
mercy, and give us grace so to fear Thee, as that we may
never be brought to fear or feel them. And whensoever Thou
wilt correct us for our sins, let us fall into Thy hands, and
d [One of the Collects for the Day, used in these dangerous times of War
in the Form of Prayer necessary to be and Pestilence, &c. Lond. 1626. ]
PUBLIC OCCASIONS. 101
not into the hands of men. Grant this for Jesus Christ His
sake, our only Mediator and Redeemer. Amen.
O eternal God and most gracious Father, we have deserved
whatsoever Thy law hath threatened against sinners. Our
contempt of Thy divine worship is great, and we hear Thy
word, but obey it not. Forgive us, O Lord, forgive us these
and all other our grievous sins. Give us light in our under
standing, readiness and obedience in our will, discretion in
our words and actions; true, serious, and loyal endeavours
for the peace and prosperity of Jerusalem, the unity and glory
of this Church and State ; that so we may love it and prosper
in it, and be full of grace in this life, and filled with glory in
the life to come, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen e .
O most merciful God, we give Thee praise and thanks for Gratiarum
the wonderful ceasing of the late raging pestilence in the pgJiiJntia
chief city of this kingdom, and other places. Lord, show us extincta.
yet further mercy, and look upon all parts of this land with
tender compassion. Keep back the destroying angel, that he
enter not into places that are yet free, nor make further
waste in those which are already visited. Comfort them that
are sick, preserve them that are sound, receive them that die
to mercy, that living and dying, they and we may continue
Thy faithful servants, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
O most gracious God and loving Father, we have felt Thy in Danger
manifold mercies, 110 nation more ; and we have committed Jgfg g mies
sins against Thee, few nations greater. Enter not into judg
ment with us, O Lord, but for Christ and His mercy s sake,
pacify Thine anger, and save us from the malice and cruelty
of our enemies. They are our crying sins that have called
them upon us. Let it be an addition to Thy wonted mercy,
to restrain their fury. To this end, Lord, put Thy bridle
into their mouths, and Thy bit between their teeth. Frus
trate their designs, and let them find no way in our seas, nor
any path in our floods ; but scatter them with Thy tempest,
e [Abridged from the Prayer di- in the Evening Prayer of the same
rected, in the same Form, to be used Form, slightly altered.]
after the Prayer, " We humbly beseech * [Slightly altered from Prayer in
Thee."] the same Form, to be used after Prayer
f [One of the Collects for the Day for Church Militant.]
102 PRAYERS UPON SUNDRY
and follow them with all Thy storms ; that we being delivered
by Thy hand, may bless and honour Thy name, devoutly
serving Thee all our days, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen.
1626. O Lord, Thou gracious Governor of all the kingdoms of the
earth, look down, we beseech Thee, in mercy upon this realm,
and upon all other Reformed Churches. Save and deliver
us and them from the hands of all such as threaten our
destruction. Protect the person of our gracious Sovereign,
direct his counsels, go forth with his armies, be unto him and
to us a wall of brass, and a strong tower of defence against his
and our enemies ; that so we being safe through Thy mercy,
may live to serve Thee in Thy Church, and ever give Thee
praise and glory, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
For the O eternal God and merciful Father, all peace and strength
bearing 1 of ^ kingdoms is from Thee; and lineal succession is Thy
the Queen s great blessing, both upon princes and states ; the great
I628 h . means to preserve unity and confirm strength. We there
fore. give Thee humble and hearty thanks, as for all Thy
blessings, so especially at this time for Thy great mercy and
loving-kindness to our dread Sovereign, his Royal Queen,
and this whole State, in giving her Majesty hope of her long-
desired issue, thereby filling their and our hearts with glad
ness. Lord, go along with Thine own blessings to perfect
them. Be with her in soul and in body, preserve her from
all dangers, keep her safe to and in the hour of travail, that
there may be strength to bring forth her joy and our hope.
And make her a joyful mother of many children, to the glory
of Thy great Name, the happiness of his Majesty, the security
of this State, and the flourishing of the Church and true
religion amongst us. Grant this, even for Jesus Christ His
sake, our only Lord and Saviour. Amen.
For the O eternal God and merciful Father, since lineal succession
bearingof" is under Tliee the reat security of kingdoms, and the very
h [ T h !f- 5^ Chil ? f the Royal of a son - He was christened, and
parents died almost immediately after died within short space. This was
its birth. See the following entry in Ascension Eve. The next day being,
the Diary:- -"May 13 Wednesday. May 14, Ascension Day, patio ante
This day, about three of the clock, the medium noctem, \ buried him at
Queen was delivered before her time Westminister."]
PUBLIC OCCASIONS. 103
life of peace, we therefore give Thee most humble and hearty theQueen s
thanks for the great blessing which Thou hast again begun i 6 2 J 9. bt ^
to work for our gracious King Charles and this whole State, 1631 l .
in giving the Queen s Majesty further hopes of a desired arid
happy issue. And as we give Thee humble and hearty
thanks for this, so we pray Thee to perfect this great
blessing thus begun, to preserve her from all dangers, and
to be with her by special assistance in the hour of travail.
Lord, make her a happy mother of successful children, to
the increase of Thy glory, the comfort of his Majesty, the
joy of her own heart, the safety of the State, and the pre
servation of the Church and true religion among us. Grant
this even for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Saviour and
Redeemer. Amen.
O most merciful God and gracious Father, Thou hast given A Thanks-
us the joy of our hearts, the contentment of our souls for theQueen s
this life, in blessing our dear and dread Sovereign, and his ^. afe De -
virtuous royal Queen, with a hopeful son, and us with a happy
prince, in Thy just time and his to rule over us. We give p^ e of
Thy glorious Name most humble and hearty thanks for this. Charles,
Lord, make us so thankful, so obedient to Thee for this
great mercy, that Thy goodness may delight to increase it
to us. Increase it, good Lord, to more children, the prop
one of another against single hope ; increase it to more sons,
the great strength of his Majesty and his throne; increase it
in the joy of his royal parents, and all true-hearted subjects ;
increase it by his Christian and happy education both in
faith and goodness ; that this kingdom and people may be
happy in the long life and prosperity of our most gracious
Sovereign and his royal consort. And when fulness of days
must gather time, Lord, double his graces \ and make them
apparent in this his heir, and his heirs after him, for all
generations to come, even for Jesus Christ His sake, our
Lord and only Saviour. Amen.
1 [A copy of the form for this year I was in the house three hours before,
could not be found ; the same form, and had the honour and the happiness
however, was used in 1635, and nearly to see the Prince, before he was full
the same in 1644.] one hour old."]
k [" Maii 29. Saturday. Prince l [See Racket s remark on this
Charles was born at St. James s, paulo expression, Life of Williams, par. ii.
ante horam primam post meridiem; p. 96.]
104
PRAYERS UPON SUNDRY
Nov. 4
1
A Thanks- O most gracious God and loving Father,, we give Thee, as
fhlQue^n s we are bound, most humble and hearty thanks for Thy great
safe De- mercy extended to us and this whole State, in blessing the
happy aU Queen s Majesty with a happy deliverance in and from the
great pains and perils of childbirth. We humbly beseech
Thee to continue and increase this blessing ; to give her
strength that she may happily overcome this and all dangers
else; that his most gracious Majesty may long have joy in
her happy life : that she may have joy in his Majesty s
prosperity ; that both of them may have comfort in the royal
Prince Charles, the new-born Princess the Lady Mary, and
with them in a hopeful, healthful, and successful posterity j
that the whole kingdom may have fulness of joy in them ;
and that both they and we may all have joy in the true
honour and service of God ; that both Church and kingdom
may be blessed, and their royal persons filled with honour in
this life, and with eternal happiness in the life to come, even
for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Lord and Saviour. Amen.
1632 "
A Thanks- O eternal God and merciful Father, we give Thee all
for hi? humble and hearty thanks for our most gracious Sovereign
Majesty s Lord King Charles, both for the gentleness of Thy hand in
fromYhe a disease otherwise so troublesome and fearful, and for the
merc ^ umess f Thy hand in taking it off so soon and so
happily. We know, and acknowledge before Thee, our sins,
and what grievous punishments they have deserved : but,
Lord, we beseech Thee still to remember us in mercy, and
long to bless our gracious King with life, and health, and
strength, and happiness, and above all, with the fear of Thy
holy Name ; that so he may continue under Thee, and over
us, a father of the State, a patron of the Church, a comfort
to his royal Queen, till he see his children s children, and
peace upon Israel. Grant this, good Lord, even for Jesus
Christ His sake. Amen.
m [From a Thanksgiving for the
safe delivery of the Queen, and happy
birth of the young princesse. Im-
printed at London, by Kobert Barker,
&c. 1631. The birth is thus noticed
in the Diary : "Novemb. 4. Friday,
The Lady Mary, Princess, born at
St. James s, inter horas qnintam et
matutinas. It was thought
she was born three weeks before her
time." The Princess Mary married
William II. Prince of Orange, and
was the mother of King William III.]
" [" Decemb. 2. Sunday. The
small pox appeared upon his Majesty,
but, God be thanked, he had a very
gentle disease of it." Diary, an,
1632.]
PUBLIC OCCASIONS. 105
Most gracious God and loving Father, we give Thee all A Thanks-
humble and hearty thanks for Thy great mercy in blessing
the Queen s Majesty with a happy deliverance in and from ^ fe De "
the great pains and peril of childbirth. We humbly beseech happy
Thee to continue Thy mercies towards her, that she may ^mes
happily overcome this and all other dangers ; that his most Duke of
gracious Majesty may long have joy in her most happy life,
and both of them comfort in the royal Prince Charles, and
the rest of their princely issue ; particularly in the new-born
prince, the Duke of York; that they all may prove a
healthful, hopeful, and a successful posterity; that both
Church and kingdom may have fulness of joy in them ; that
their Majesties royal persons may be filled with honour in
this life, and with eternal happiness in the life to come ; and
this even for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Saviour and
Redeemer. Amen.
O eternal God and merciful Father, by whom alone kings A Prayer
reign, Thou Lord of Hosts, and giver of all victory, we ^[
humbly beseech Thee to guard our most gracious Sovereign Majesty
Lord King Charles ; to bless him in his person with health Northern
and safety, in his counsels with wisdom and prudence, and in
J tion.
all his actions with honour and good success. Grant, blessed 1639 p.
Lord, that victory may attend his designs, and that his liege
people may rejoice in Thee ; but that shame may cover the
face of Thine and his treacherous enemies. Give him,
blessed Father, so to settle his subjects in peace, and the true
fear of Thy Divine Majesty, that he may return with joy and
honour, and proceed long to govern his kingdoms in peace
and plenty, and in the happiness of true religion and piety,
all his days. These blessings, and whatsoever else shall be
necessary for him, or for ourselves, we humbly beg of Thee,
O merciful Father, for Jesus Christ His sake, our only
Mediator and Redeemer. Amen.
["Novemb. 24. Sunday. In the The King s expedition is thus noticed
afternoon I christened King Charles s in the Diary: " Mar. 27. Wednesday.
second son, James, Duke of York, at Coronation Day, King Charles took
St. James s." Diary, An. 1633.] his journey northward against the
P [This Prayer was directed to be Scottish covenanting rebels. God of
said in all churches in the time of His infinite mercy bless him with
Divine service, next after the Prayer health and success."]
for the Queen and the Royal Progeny.
106 QUOTIDIE.
For the O eternal God and merciful Father, by whom alone kings
in hfs reign, Thou Lord of Hosts and giver of all victory, we
Northern h um blv beseech Thee both now and ever to guide and pre-
Expedi- * T , T ,-. ,~,
tion. serve our most gracious Sovereign Lord King Charles ; to
bless him in his person with health and safety, in his
counsels with wisdom and prudence, and in all his actions
with honour and good success, especially against those his
traitorous subjects, who, having cast off all obedience to their
anointed Sovereign, do at this time in rebellious manner
invade this realm. Grant, blessed Lord, that victory may
attend his Majesty s designs, that his liege people may
rejoice in Thee; but that shame may cover the faces of
Thine and his treacherous enemies. Enable him, blessed
Father, so to vanquish and subdue them all, that his loyal
subjects being settled in peace, and the true fear of Thy
holy Name, he may return with joy and honour, and con
tinue to govern his kingdoms in peace and plenty, and in the
happiness of true religion and piety, all his days. These
blessings, and whatsoever else shall be necessary for him, or
for ourselves, we humbly beg of Thee, O merciful Father,
for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Mediator and Redeemer.
Amen.
QUOTIDIE.
O Lord, forgive me all my sins that are past. O Lord,
strengthen me against all temptations, especially the tempta
tions of, &c.
O Lord, fill my heart with thankfulness : and I do give
Thee most humble and hearty thanks for the great deliver
ance of me from the rage and fury of the multitude. O Lord,
let the same wings of Thy merciful protection be spread over
me all the days of my life. O Lord, give me a faithful,
a patient, a penitent, a persevering heart in Thy service ; that
so I may with comfort daily, nay hourly, expect when my
changing shall come. So Amen, Lord Jesu. Amen.
i [Directed to be used in the same North in haste, upon information that
place as the preceding Prayer. The the Scots were entered the Monday
expedition is thus noticed in the before into England, and meant to be
Diary: "Aug. 20. Thursday. His at Newcastle by Saturday."]
Majesty took his journey toward the
ABSOLUTIO ADMISSIO IN ECCLES1AM. 107
ABSOLUTIO.
Our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath left power to His Church
to absolve all sinners which truly repent and believe m Him,
of His great mercy forgive thee thine offences. And by His
authority committed to me, I absolve thee from all thy sins,
in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost. Amen.
ADMISSIO IN ECCLESIAM.
God, who of His mercy hath given you grace to give
yourself to His Church, preserve and keep you in His truth,
free both from superstition and profaneness. The Lord bles"s Numb, vi,
and keep you. The Lord make His face shine upon you, 24
and be merciful unto you. The Lord lift up His countenance
upon you, and give you peace in conscience, and constancy
in truth. And by the power of ministration committed to
me by our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, I re-admit you
into the fellowship of His Church, in the name of the Father,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
TROUBLES
AND
T R Y A L
OF
The Moji Reverend Father in God,
and Blejfed Martyr 9
WILLIAM LAUD,
Lord Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury.
Wrote by HIMSELF, during his
Imprisonment in the Tower.
To which is prefixed
THE DIARY OF HIS OWN LIFE
Faithfully and entirely Publifhed from the Original Copy.
IMPRIMATUR,
Martijj. 1695. JO. CANT
LONDON :
Printed for Hit. (ZDJtffodl, at the Rose and Crown in St.
Church-Yard, M DC XCV.
THE PREFACE.
THAT the reader may be satisfied, how it came to pass,
that an history wrote of, and by, a person of so great a
character in this nation, and by him designed for the public,
hath lain hid, and been suppressed for near fifty years;
through whose hands it hath passed ; and by what means,
and by whose labour it is at last published ; he may be
pleased to take the following account.
The Most Reverend Archbishop, the author and subject of
this history, was very exact and careful in keeping all papers
which concerned himself, or any affairs of Church and State,
passing through his hands ; not only kept a journal of his
own actions, but from time to time, took minutes of whatso
ever passed at Council Table, Star Chamber, High Com
mission Court, &c. ; digested all his papers in most exact
order ; wrote with his own hand on the back or top of every
one, what it concerned, when it was received, when wrote or
answered, &c.
This his enemies knew full well ; and therefore, when after
they had caused him to be impeached of high treason, of
endeavouring to introduce Popery and arbitrary government,
and to be imprisoned upon the impeachment in the end of
the year 1640; and had now in vain laboured for two years
and a half, to find out evidence to prove this their accusation;
but the more they sought, they found to their confusion, so
much the greater evidence of the contrary : after they had
in vain ransacked all papers left by the Archbishop in his
study at Lambeth, and examined all his intimate friends and
subaltern agents upon oath ; when nothing did appear, they
hoped to find somewhat against him, either in his private
THE PREFACE.
journal of his life, which they knew to be kept by him, or in
those papers which he had carried with him from Lambeth
at his first commitment, in order to his future defence.
Upon these hopes, they with great privacy framed an order
for the searching his chamber and pockets in the Tower, in
May 1 643 ; and committed the execution of it to his inve
terate enemy, William Prynne; who thereupon took from
the Archbishop twenty- one bundles of papers, which he had
prepared for his defence : his Diary, his Book of Private
Devotions, the Scotch Service Book, and directions accom
panying it, &c. And although he then faithfully promised
restitution of them within three or four days, yet never
restored any more than three bundles , employed such
against the Archbishop at his trial, as might seem prejudicial
to his cause ; suppressed those which might be advantageous
to him ; published many, embezzled some ; and kept the rest
to the day of his death.
As soon as Prynne was possessed of the Archbishop s
papers, he set himself with eager malice to make use of
them to his defamation, and to prove the charge of Popery
and abetting arbitrary government, by the publication of
many of them. His first specimen in this kind was a
pamphlet, which came out in August following, entituled,
Rome s Masterpiece/ in five sheets in quarto, containing the
papers and letters relating to the plot, contrived by Papists
against the Church and State then established in England,
and discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeild. But never did
malice appear so gross and ridiculous together, as in this
case. For from this plot, if there were any truth in it, it
appeared, that the life of the Archbishop was chiefly aimed
at by the plotters, as the grand obstacle of their design ; and
one who could by no arts be wrought to any connivance of
them, much less concurrence with them. This pamphlet
being, after the publication of it, carried to the Archbishop
in the Tower, he made several marginal annotations on it,
in answer to Prynne s falsifications and malicious calumnies
intermixed therein. Which copy, coming afterwards into
the hands of Dr. Baily, the Archbishop s executor, was by
him given to the learned antiquary, Mr. Anthony Wood, and
by him transmitted to me, in order to be placed among the
THE PREFACE. 113
other papers and memorials, which are to follow this history,
according to the Archbishop s own direction.
But Prynne s malice could not be abated by the shame of
one miscarriage. In the next place, he bethought himself
of publishing the Archbishop s Diary, as soon as his trial
ended, wherein it had been often produced as evidence
against him. This then he published in the beginning of
September, 1644, in nine sheets in folio, with this title,
A Breviat of the Life of/ &c., (intending it, as he saith, "for
a prologue to the much desired History of his Trial/ ) but
neither entire, nor faithfully, as far as he did publish it ; but
altered, mangled, corrupted, and glossed in a most shameful
manner; accompanied with "desperate untruths," as the
Archbishop complains in this history ; and therefore added :
" For this Breviat of his, if God lend me life and strength to
end this (History) first, I shall discover to the world the base
and malicious slanders with which it is fraught." il This the
archbishop wrote, when he despaired that ever his Diary
should be recovered out of those vile hands, in which it then
was, and be published faithfully and entirely ; which would
be the most effectual discovery of the baseness and malice of
Prynne therein.
Yet notwithstanding so vile and corrupt an edition of it,
all those who have wrote anything of this excellent prelate,
have been forced to make use of it ; not being able to gain
the sight of the original, nor perhaps so much as suspecting
any such fraud in the edition of it. Particularly, it is much
to be lamented, that Dr. Heylin, who wrote the History
of the Archbishop s Life/ with great care and elegance, was
forced, in most things, to borrow his account from this
corrupted edition of his Diary, and hath thereby been led
into many arid great errors. Others also have, since him,
taken up and divulged many false opinions concerning the
Diary itself; as that it was wholly wrote in Latin by the
Archbishop, that it was by himself entituled A Breviat of
his Life/ and that it was translated and published entire by
Prynne.
B [See History of Troubles and Archbishop, evidently intended as
Trial, p. 254. in marg. Some MS. materials for a reply, Mill be found in
notes on Prynne s Breviat, by the this edition at the end of the Diary.J
LAUD. VOL. in.
114 THE PREFACE.
The true and faithful publication of it, which I have made
from the original, now in my hands, will not only supply the
defect of what the Archbishop intended in the words before
related, but never effected; but will also undeniably assert
his innocence from those greater accusations formerly brought
against him, and will further clear him from many later
assertions of lesser moment. I will name but one, which is
to be found in the Life of Archbishop Williams, wrote by
Bishop Hacket, and lately published. Therein (pp. 63, 64)
Dr. Laud is taxed of high ingratitude against Williams, who
is there in a long relation represented as his great benefactor,
and who particularly gained of King James the bishopric of
St. David s for him, by his great and restless importunity,
when the king had determined not to promote him, as
unworthy of his favour, for reasons there expressed. I ques -
tion not Bishop Racket s veracity, or that Archbishop
Williams did indeed relate this to him. But then Williams
will be found strongly to have prevaricated, when he pre
tended that Laud owed that preferment to his kindness, and
thereupon taxed him of ingratitude. For from what is
related in the following Diary, at June 29, 1621, it appears
indeed that Williams stickled hard to gain the bishopric of
St. David s for Laud, not out of any kindness to him, but for
his own ends, that so himself might retain the deanery of
Westminster, with the bishopric of Lincoln, (to which he
was then nominated,) which otherwise had slipped from him ;
the king having designed to give it to Dr. Laud, upon the
avoidance of it by the promotion of Dr. Williams to the see
of Lincoln. But whatever may be in this matter alleged
against Dr. Laud; 1 am sure, no art or colour can defend
that bitter revenge of Archbishop Williams, related in this
history b ; which prompted him to move earnestly in the
House of Lords, that the jurisdiction of the Archbishop
of Canterbury (then a prisoner in the Tower) might be
sequestered, and put into the hands of his inferior officers ;
which by his importunity he obtained, to the great prejudice
of the Church, and no small infamy of himself.
I do not pretend to justify the whole proceeding of Arch
bishop Laud, during the whole course of his power and
b [History of Troubles and Trial, chap. xi. p. 183, in marg.]
THE PREFACE. 115
government, against Archbishop Williams. I do rather
lament it, as the great misfortune both of themselves and the
Church at that time, that two such eminent prelates, equally
endued with extraordinary learning, wisdom, and greatness
of mind, should be engaged in constant opposition and
enmity to each other, at first raised by mutual distrust and
emulation, and ever after kept up and fomented by reciprocal
injuries and false representations on each side. But that the
blame of this misfortune should be cast wholly on the one
side ; that unworthy reflections should be made and published
in prejudice of Archbishop Laud; that he should be accused
of base ingratitude, of impotent malice, of insatiable revenge ;
while the other is represented as the most calm, most inno
cent, and most heroical person imaginable ; I cannot without
some indignation observe in the beforementioned historian,
otherwise of eminent worth and character, who, to approve
his gratitude to his patron and promoter, hath grossly
neglected the laws of history, and cared not how injuriously
he treated the memory of Archbishop Laud, that he might
justify the quarrel and heighten the encomium of Archbishop
Williams. Upon this account, and with this design, Williams
is pretended to have been the great patron and benefactor of
Laud, to have " procured him his first rochet c ," & c v that so
the latter might appear guilty of the highest ingratitude
against the other. Hence these reflections are frequently
repeated : " Of all men, Bishop Laud was the man whose
enmity was most tedious and most spiteful against his great
benefactor, Williams d ." This dealing of Laud " is past
excuse, and can bear no apology e ." And " the cause of his
(Bishop Williams s) incessant molestations for twelve years
was his known enemy, Bishop Laud. Could he so soon
forget him that first made him a bishop f ?" &c. "The
undoing of his brother was so much in his mind, that it was
never out of his dreams %." In other places Laud is repre
sented as utterly implacable and irreconcilable in his malice
against Williams ; is accused of "impotent malevolence 11 ;"
and his "implacable spite against a Bishop, his raiser, and
c Racket s Life of Archbishop Wil- e [Ibid, p.] 66.
Hams, par. 1. p. 64. [Lond.1693.] par. f Par. 2. pp. 85. 115.
2. p. 115. s p. 85, &c.
d Par. 2. p. 65. h P. 129.
I 2
116 THE PREFACE.
now " (by being a prisoner in the Tower) " become a spectacle
of pity/ said to be "unpardonable 1 ." Again, lie is traduced
to have been possessed with " a revengeful mind k ." Whereas
to the other this lofty encomium is bestowed, that " there did
not live that Christian that hated revenge more than he, or
that would forgive an injury sooner \" These, and many
like passages, are as far remote from truth and justice as they
are from that sincerity and impartiality which become an
historian.
I had intended to have said no more upon this head. But
I cannot prevail with myself to pass by an heinous accusation,
formerly brought against Archbishop Laud, concerning his
having altered the oath administered to King Charles I. at
his coronation, in favour of the crown and prejudice of the
people. Which accusation it hath pleased an honourable,
reverend, and learned person very lately to renew in a public
speech m , in these words : " The striking out of that part of
the ancient oath in King Charles his time at his coronation,
by Archbishop Laud, (that the king should consent to such
laws as the people should choose,) and instead of that,
another very unusual one inserted, saving the king s prero
gative royal. And I could tell you of somewhat more of
that kind, done since, in the time of the late King James ;
at the time of his coronation there was much more struck
out of the Coronation Oath : which might well be worth the
inquiring, how it came about/ I must not presume to
oppose anything delivered by an oracle of the law, in a court
of judicature, to a great auditory, upon a solemn occasion.
However, I beg leave to acquaint the reader that a full and
undeniable justification of Archbishop Laud from this charge
may be found in this History, chap. xxxiii. n I may further
presume, that the author of this speech is too just and
honourable to intend, by the latter clause, any reflection upon
another Archbishop who administered the Coronation Oath
to King James II. Or if any reader should be so ill informed
as to misconceive his Lordship herein, I hope it will be no
1 [Racket s Life of Archbishop Wil- Lord Mayor, October 1693, pp. 4, 5.
Hams, par. 2. p. 129. Lond. 1693.] [Lond. 1693.]
k P. 131. " [History of Troubles and Trial,
1 P. 230. pp. 318, seq. in marg.]
m L. C. Baron Atkyn s Speech to the
THE PREFACE. 117
offence to say, that it would be no difficult matter to justify
in this case the proceeding of the one Archbishop as clearly
as this History doth the other.
I may further add, that the entire publication of this Diary
contributes very much to illustrate the history of those times ;
and that both it and the following History discover many
secrets (before unknown) in matters of Church and State,
and correct many errors, commonly taken up and received
in relation to either. To give one particular instance; I
know a certain demagogue, who would fain be esteemed, and
is generally accounted by those of his party, to know more
of the secret history of the transactions preceding and accom
panying the Grand Rebellion than the whole world besides,
who hath confidently related, that when the Earl of Strafford
entered into the service of King Charles I. and began to be
employed as chief minister of State, he covenanted with him
that no session of parliament should be called or held during
his ministry. Now the falsity of this report appears from
what the Archbishop hath wrote in his Diary at Dec. 5, 1639,
that the first movers for calling a parliament at that time
were the Earl of Strafford arid himself. Nothing also can
reflect more honour upon the memory of any person than
what the Archbishop (in the following History, chap, ix.)
relateth of the Earl s rejecting the unworthy proposition
made to him by Mr. Denzell Hollis, in the name of the
leading men of the House of Commons ; a matter wholly
unknown before .
But to proceed with Prynne. Soon after the martyrdom
of the Archbishop, whether prompted by his unwearied
malice, or by his eternal itch of scribbling, or incited by the
order of the House of Commons, made March 4, 1644-5,
" desiring him to print and publish all the proceedings concern
ing the Archbishop of Canterbury s trial :" he immediately set
himself to defame the Archbishop, and justify the proceedings
of the rebel parliament against him, more at large. To
which purpose, he published, in 1646, in sixty- six sheets in
folio, his Necessary Introduction to the History of the
Archbishop of Canterbury s Trial : which in the Preface he
calleth " a new discovery of sundry plots, and hidden works
[History of TrouMe? and Trial, p. 177, in marg.]
118 THE PREFACE.
of darkness : " containing bitter invectives and accusations
against the whole proceedings of the Court, from the time of
the treaty about the Spanish match to that day; and labour
ing to prove that both King James and Charles designed to
overthrow the established religion, and to introduce popery,
using Archbishop Laud as their chief instrument in that bad
design : an accusation, which neither himself, nor any other
man in his wits, ever believed.
Soon after this, in the same year 1646, was published by the
same author, Canterbury s Doom ; or the First Part of a com
plete History of the Trial of the Archbishop/ in 145 sheets in
folio, containing (as himself acknowledgeth) only the history
of the preliminaries of the trial till the commencement of it,
" together with the Commons evidence, his answers to it, and
their replies upon him, in maintenance of the first general
branch of their charge of high treason against him, to wit,
his traitorous endeavours to alter and subvert God s true
religion by law established among us, to introduce popery,
and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of
Rome P." The remaining part of the trial he engaged (by
promise i made both in the beginning and end of that book)
" to complete and publish with all convenient speed ;" but
never made good his undertaking ; nor, as I believe, ever did
intend it. For he well knew, that however what was urged
against the Archbishop at his trial in this matter, and was
largely amplified in his History, in proof of the Archbishop s
endeavour to subvert the established religion, carried with it
some show of truth in the judgment of a then miserably
deluded people, who were cheated into a belief (cursed be the
wilful authors of that cheat, which in great measure yet
continueth) that good works, building, repairing, conse
crating and adorning churches, bowing at the name of Jesus,
prostration to God in prayer, wearing copes, retaining the
use of canonical hours in prayer, and such like decent usages
and ceremonies, were downright popery (for these and such
like were the proofs of that accusation brought against the
Archbishop), yet that all which they did or could produce in
P Epist. Bed. [p. 1.] that of the Earl of Strafford. Collect.
i Kushworth also promised to pub- par. 3. vol. ii. p. 833 ; but never did
lish such an exact history of the trial effect it.
of this Archbishop, as he had done of
THE PREFACE. 119
confirmation of their other heads of accusation against the
Archbishop, carried not with it the least appearance of proof.
For which reason, Prynne began the History of his Trial
with the charge and proofs of popery ; although that was not
the first, but the last head of accusation brought against
him, and canvassed in the course of his trial.
However, the godly cheat, once begun, was by any means
to be continued; and therefore it was pretended by Prynne,
and other adversaries of the Archbishop, that although, " to
give him his due," (for such are Prynne s own words, p. 462,)
" the Archbishop made as full, as gallant, as pithy a defence
of so bad a cause, and spake as much for himself, as was
possible for the wit of man to invent, and that with so much
art, sophistry, vivacity, oratory, audacity, and confidence,
without the least acknowledgment of guilt in anything/- 7 &c.;
yet that after all, the crimes objected being undeniably proved
against him, and himself thereupon despairing of being able
to justify and clear his innocence, either to the then present
or to succeeding times, " did burn all the notes of his answers
and defence before his death, of purpose to prevent their
publication after it." Which calumny Prynne hath twice
(in Epist. Dedic., [p. 7.] and p. 461) repeated, pretending to
have received the knowledge of it from the Archbishop s
own Secretary, Mr. Dell.
The falsity of this base report appears sufficiently from this
History, wrote by the Archbishop, and now published. He
had begun to compose it before the end of the year 1641,
and continued it from time to time, till the 3d of January,
1644-5, which was the seventh day before his execution.
For, on the 4th of January, being acquainted that sentence
had passed upon him in the House of Lords, he conveyed
the original copy of his History into safe hands, and prepared
himself for death. That he had begun it before the end of
1641, and augmented it from time to time, appears evidently
from several places of it. And although in the narration of
his Trial, many things said or alleged in the recapitulation
on the last days, be interwoven with the history of every
day s trial, yet all those passages were added by him after
wards on the blank pages, which he had for that purpose left
over-agaiiist every written page in the original copy ; and
120 THE PREFACE.
from thence were, according to his directions, transcribed in
the other copy into one entire narration. Hence it comes to
pass, (which the reader will easily observe,) that the Arch
bishop writing down the transactions of every day, as they
happened, hath left so many plain indications of haste, and
sometimes of heat. Some things seem to have been wrote
while his spirits had not yet recovered a sedate temper ;
many improprieties of language committed, and other defects
admitted, which the Archbishop himself being sensible of,
had wrote in the first leaf of his book : Non apposui manum
ultimam. W. CANT.
That the most reverend author wrote this History for the
public vindication of himself, cannot be doubted. Nay,
himself more than once amrmeth, that he intended it for the
vindication of himself to the whole Christian world : and
chiefly indeed for the defence of himself and the Church of
England in foreign parts, where wrong notions are generally
entertained of the constitution of our Church, as being for
the most part taken from the writings of some puritanical
divines among us. For this reason the Archbishop earnestly
desired (which desire is thrice in this work expressed r ) that it
might be carefully and exactly translated into Latin, and
printed; that he might thereby appeal " to the judgment of
the learned in all parts of Christendom." To this end himself
had procured the Liturgy, which he had composed for the
Church of Scotland to be turned into Latin, that it might be
published with it. " To the end/ saith he, that the " book
may be extant, and come to the view of the Christian world,
and their judgment of it be known, I have caused it to be
exactly translated into Latin ; and if right be done me, it
shall be printed with this History s ." This Latin translation
of the Scotch Liturgy, as also the English original copy of
the first draught of it, are now in my hands ; and shall one
or both of them be hereafter (God willing) published in the
Collection of Memorials. It should seem that when the
Archbishop designed a Latin edition of his History, he
despaired that the generality of this nation, then miserably
r [See History of Troubles and Trial, This translation was executed by Peter
Chap. iv. pp. 138. 143, in marg.] Heylin. See his Life prefixed to his
[Ibid. chnp. vii. p. J6f>, in marg. Historical Tracts, p. xiii. Lond. 1681.]
JHE PREFACE. 121
distempered in matter of religion, would ever so far regain
the use of their wits as to be able to pass an impartial judg
ment upon his cause. But, God be thanked, the Church, for
which he suffered, and which was ruined with him, was in
a short time after beyond hope reestablished ; and therewith
sobriety returning into the minds of men, no place is now so
fit for the publication of this History as our own island ; and
no language more proper for it than our own, which is the
original wherein it was wrote.
It should seem that what was already wrote of this History,
in May, 1643, when Prynne searched the Archbishop s
chamber in the Tower, and seized his papers found there,
escaped his ravenous hands. Whether after the Archbishop s
death, and the completion of it, the copy of it came into his
hands, I cannot certainly affirm, (the reason of my uncer
tainty I shall relate presently,) but do believe that it did.
Which if it did, I suppose he having got notice of it, seized
it by virtue of an order of the House of Commons, March 4,
1644-5, empowering him to " send for all writings," &c.
relating to the Archbishop of Canterbury his trial.
To proceed. All the Archbishop s papers taken from him
by Prynne, either out of his study at Lambeth soon after his
commitment, or out of his chamber and pockets in the Tower,
or seized after his martyrdom, remained in Prynne s hands
until his death. When Archbishop Sheldon, well knowing
that the papers of his predecessor, Archbishop Laud, had
been unjustly seized and detained by him, procured an order
of the King and Council, deputing Sir William Dugdale and
some others to view his study, and, taking thence all the
books and papers formerly belonging to Archbishop Laud,
to deliver them into his hands. This was accordingly done ;
and the books and papers being seized, brought to Archbishop
Sheldon ; although very much diminished in number, and
embezzled, since they had come into Prynne s hands. For
he seems either to have printed many of them from the
originals, to save the labour of transcribing them, or to have
burned them, or otherwise employed them to common uses,
when once printed. So that very few of those papers, which
Prynne had published in the several pamphlets and books
before named, came into Archbishop Sheldon s hands. And
122 THE PREFACE.
not a few, even of those which had not been published, were
found wanting. Particularly the papers of Archbishop Laud,
concerning the conversion of his godson, Mr. William Chil-
lingworth, which the Archbishop saith were taken away from
him by Mr. Prynne, and being by him produced at the Com
mittee for drawing up his charge, were there examined.
Whether the copy of this History was seized at this time
in Mr. Prynne s study, or came to Archbishop Sheldon by
other means, I cannot certainly affirm ; but this I am assured
of, that Archbishop Sheldon, having about this time got into
his hands the copy of this History, and having now gained
also the other papers of Archbishop Laud, sent for the truly
reverend and learned Dr. William Sancroft, then Dean of
St. Paul s, and delivered both to him, ordering him to publish
the History, with such papers as were necessary to it, with
all convenient speed. This Dr. Sancroft willingly undertook ;
but upon reading of the History, found the copy to be so
very vicious, that it would not be fit to be published till the
original might be recovered, whereby the defects of it might
be supplied and corrected. Hereupon they set themselves
to search after the original; which at last they found in
St. John s College in Oxford, having been deposited there (as
I suppose) by Dr. Richard Baily, formerly President of that
College, and executor to the author.
After this was done, a new scruple was started concerning
the language wherein it should be published. Archbishop
Sheldon was desirous it might be translated into, and pub
lished in Latin, in compliance with the desire and intention
of the author. The Dean of St. Paul s, on the other side,
was of opinion that it would be more useful to the public,
and serviceable to the memory of the author, to publish it in
English. This difference of opinion protracted the edition
of it from time to time, until at last, Archbishop Sheldon
continuing resolved in his opinion, the Dean yielded to his
authority, and only desiring that some learned civilian might
be joined with him, who might render the forms of pleading
in apt Latin expressions, prepared himself for the under
taking. But in the interim Archbishop Sheldon dying, the
Dean was most deservedly chosen to succeed him in the
Archbishopric. Whereby being involved in constant public
THE PREFACE. 123
business both of Church and State, he was forced to lay aside
his design of publishing this history, yet not without hopes
of finding, at some time or other, opportunity to perform it :
for which reason he devolved not the care of it upon any
other, but kept it by him, and in the meantime endeavoured
to get into his hands all other papers relating to Archbishop
Laud or his cause.
But in vain did he hope to find so much leisure while the
administration of the chief office in the Church took up his
whole care and thoughts. What he could not then do he
hoped to accomplish after his retirement into Suffolk, in
August 1691 ; yet neither then did he set about it until the
middle of the year 1693, when opening his papers, he began
to collate the copy with the original, to divide the history into
chapters, to examine the citations, to write down several direc
tions and memoranda for his own use in preparing the edition,
to note what places deserved to be amended or considered,
to write several observations on the margin, to draw up a
catalogue of the memorials to be added as an Appendix to the
History, to note which of them were in his hands, and which
being wanting to him were to be sought elsewhere*.
He was earnestly employed about this matter ; and the
original and copy, with many of the papers belonging to it,
lay on his scrutoire before him ; and himself was then writing
certain queries, memoranda, and directions for his use
therein, in a loose paper ; when a violent fever seized him,
August 25, which having confined him to his bed full thirteen
weeks, he at last surrendered up his pious soul to God, the
24th of November, on Friday, early in the morning, in the
77th year of his age.
As soon as he had reason to apprehend that his sickness
would prove mortal, remembering what he was last employed
about, the edition of this History, he was desirous to see me,
that so he might commit the care of it to me. But so it was,
that I hearing of his sickness, and not knowing anything,
either of this History being in his hands, or of his intentions
about it, took a journey into Suffolk, to wait upon him as in
duty bound, (having the honour and the happiness to be his
chaplain,) whither I came on the last day of October. He
* [See MSS. Lamb. No. 577, p. 289.]
124 THE PREFACE.
was then pleased to acquaint me with his design, related to
me how the History, with the other papers of Archbishop
Laud, came into his hands,, how he had often prepared himself
for the perfection of this edition, and was at last hindered
by his present sickness. In fine, he laid his commands upon
me to perfect what he had begun, and to publish the History
as soon as might be ; and then immediately caused to be
delivered to me the original and copy of the History, with
the Diary, and all other papers of Archbishop Laud, or his
own, relating to them, which then laid upon or about his
scrutoire or could be found in his study. His voice was then
very weak and his spirits faint, so that he could not give to
me that perfect account by what means the copy came into
Archbishop Sheldon s hands, which I had desired of him.
For he having omitted to tell me that distinctly, and I desiring
satisfaction in that and some other questions about this book,
he could only answer me : " These are material questions ;
but I am weary with speaking, and my spirits are faint.
I cannot make to you any further answers herein." After
which I never presumed to trouble him with the question.
However, having observed, upon reading the book, and
looking over the papers, that many even of those memorials
were wanting, which I found that my most reverend patron
had in his written notes marked to be in his hands, I took
the boldness, when I next waited on him (on November 22
following), to acquaint him with this defect. Whereupon
he immediately ordered me to search all his papers, (the
greater part of which had not been opened nor put in order
since his removal from Lambeth,) which I began forthwith
to do, and thereby found many papers relating to this History,
or other papers of Archbishop Laud, scattered and divided
among several parcels of other writings. But before I had
searched half-way, evident signs of approaching death appear
ing in him, I quitted the search at that time, and renewed it
not again till several weeks after his death, when I looked
over the remaining part of his papers, and, with the leave of
his executors, took thence whatsoever related to, or might be
subservient to this design.
In this latter search I found many things; but neither first
nor last could find several papers of Archbishop Laud of great
THE PREFACE. 125
moment, which I am well assured were in the hand of my
late Lord Archbishop Sancroft, because I find them testified
so to be in the catalogue of Archbishop Laud s papers in his
hands,, drawn by himself. Among these is a large Answer
of Archbishop Laud to a speech made by William Lord
Viscount Say and Seal against the civil power of bishops,
and printed by him, London, 1642 U . His answer to the
speech of the same Lord against the Liturgy, and printed,
London, 1641, I found, and have published in the end of this
volume, as well because it contains many historical passages
of the Archbishop s own life and actions, as for that it is
nowhere referred to in this History, and so could not well be
placed among the memorials intended for the Second Part.
Archbishop Laud had also wrote a large and elaborate
Answer to the speech of Nathaniel Fiennes, son to the Lord
Say, against the new Canons, made in the end of the year
1640, and printed London, 1641, which he referreth to in
this History x . This also was in the hands of my late Lord
Archbishop Sancroft; as I find as well by the written cata
logue before mentioned, as by a particular paper of observa
tions made by him upon it, toward the completion and
illustration of it^; whereby it appears to consist of above fifty
pages in folio. But this, after a tedious and diligent search,
I could not find. Which will not appear incredible to those
who know what a vast multitude of papers and collections
my late Lord Archbishop Sancroft left behind him ; and
therein more perhaps wrote with his own hand, than any
man, either of this or the last age, ever did write.
Having obtained all the papers which could be found, I set
myself to perfect the edition of this History, which I have at
last performed, yet with greater trouble and labour than can
easily be imagined. I caused the Diary to be exactly tran
scribed, adjoined an English translation to the Latin part of
it, diligently collated the copy of the History with the
original, the Articles and other memorials with the printed
copies, if any such were; added what observations I thought
u [ It was afterwards printed in the x [See History of Troubles and Trial,
volume containing Archbishop Laud s chap. xxix. p. 284, in marg.]
" llemains," which was published by y [See MSS. Lamb. No. 577, at the
Edmund Wharton, after his son s end of his notes on the History.]
death. See vol. vi. of this Edition.]
126 THE PREFACE.
necessary in the margin ; have everywhere religiously retained
the author s own words and expressions throughout, (although
therein, I must confess, against the judgment of my most
reverend patron expressed in his written notes ;) have only
amended the orthography (which both in original and copy
was monstrously vicious) ; inserted some words, where the
sense was imperfect, but have always included such in
crotchets ; and in some places substituted Greek words instead
of Latin in citations out of Greek Fathers or authors. So
that the reader may be assured this History is faithfully con
veyed to the public.
I have retained all my late Lord Archbishop Bancroft s
observations, whether wrote in the margin of the book or
elsewhere, if considerable, subjoining to them the letters
W. S. A. C. I have subjoined to many of my own observa
tions of greater moment, the letters H. W. And where
Archbishop Laud had added anything in the margin, I have
adjoined the letters W. C.
As for the collection of memorials and other papers, which
by the author s direction should have accompanied this
History; finding that they could not be published in the
same volume without swelling it to too great a bulk, I have
reserved them for a Second Part, and (if God grant me life
and health) will cause them shortly to follow, and therewith
give to the public what further account of them I shall then
judge necessary.
The originals, both Diary and History, I intend at my
death to leave to St. John s College in Oxford z , where the
author, the Archbishop, was bred, to which place he ever bore
so great a love, and where his body now remaineth. Which
intention of mine I chose here to mention, that the President
and Fellows of that College may hereafter, if they shall think
so fit, demand them from my executors.
To conclude : although private and personal matters or
affections ought not readily to be admitted to accompany
a work of such a public nature, yet I cannot forbear to say,
that it is an inexpressible satisfaction to me, that in the
edition of this work I have been able to serve the illustrious
z [They were delivered to the College before his death. See the note at the
beginning of the History.]
THE PREFACE. 127
author of it, and my most reverend deceased patron, and the
Church of England, at the same time: and more particularly,
that I account it the most fortunate transaction of my whole
life to have contributed herein to the vindication of the
memory and the cause of that most excellent prelate and
hlessed martyr, to whom I have always paid a more especial
veneration, ever since I was able to form any judgment in
these matters, as firmly believing him to have taken up and
prosecuted the best and most effectual method, (although then
in great measure unsuccessful, through the malignity of the
times,) and to have had the noblest, the most zealous, and
most sincere intentions therein, towards reestablishing the
beauty, the honour, and the force of religion, in that part of
the Catholic Church (the Church of England) to the service
of which I have entirely devoted my life, my labours, and my
fortunes.
HEN. WHARTON.
Feb. 2, 1693-4.
AN
INTRODUCTION
" cJi .
To the Following
HISTORY:
Containing the
D I A K Y
OF THE
Moft Reverend Father in God
WILLIAM LAUD,
LORD
Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury:
EXTENDING
From His Birth to the middle of the Year, MDCXLIII.
Being the Seventieth Year of His Age.
Faithfully and Entirely Publifhed from the Original Copy,
Wrote with His own Hand.
The Latine part rendered into Englifh, and adjoined.
LONDON,
Printed for 2&t.<{)tffoeU, at the Rofe and Crown in St. Paul s
Church- Yard, 1694.
LAUD. VOL. III.
Opposite the first page is written the following entry :
Mors. April 11. 1594. Die Mercurii.
Mors. Novemb. 24. 1600. (day erased.)
Dayes of
observance
to me.
April
1621.
fP. M
I M. JV
> n^i
} Conjug. Devon. Decemb. 26. 1605. die Jovis, et Festo
LS. Stephani. Et E. M. a
r cum E. B. Julii 28, 1617. Die Lunae.
I Ignis: &c: Septemb: 26. 1617. Die Vener.
Tendonem fregi. Feb. 5. 1628. Comp.
Juliano
(Five lines erased.)
Mors Ducis Buckinghamiae Aug.
23. 1628. Dies erat Saturni
Litera. D.
Exaudita causa per Ja: K. . . .
Aug. 29. 1611.
The great hearinge of y e ....
disorders, at Woodstock ....
L Charles Aug: 23. 1631.
["Et E. M." inserted afterwards.]
THE DIARY
OF THE
MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD
WILLIAM LAUD,
ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
NATUS fui Octob. 7. 1573. I WAS born Octob. 7. 1573. A.D. 1573.
Efedingi 1 .] In infantia pene at Reading. In my infancy
perii morbo, &c. I was in danger of death by
sickness, &c.
I came to Oxford, July 1589. AD. 1589.
I was chosen Scholar of St. John s, June 1590. A.D. 1590.
I was admitted Fellow of St. John s, June, an. 1593. A.D. 1593.
My father died, April 11, 1594. die Mercurii. A.D. 1594.
I proceeded Bachelor of Arts, June 1594 2 .
I had a great sickness, 1596. A.D. 1596.
And another, 1597. A.D. 1597.
I proceeded Master of Arts, July 1598. A.D. 1598.
I was Grammar Reader that year ; and fell into a great
sickness at the end of it.
My mother died November 24, 1600 3 . A.D. 1600.
I was made Deacon, 4 Januar. 1600. comput. AngL
I was made Priest, April 5, 1601, Palm Sunday 4 : both by A.D. 1601.
Dr. Young, Bishop of Rochester \ [Viz. Both Orders were
conferred by him. H. W.]
1 [Only the first letter of this word now legible.]
2 [This line originally written before the entry relating to his father, but
afterwards erased.]
3 [This entry was originally omitted, and afterwards inserted in marg.]
* [ Palni Sunday : inserted in inarg.]
a [The Bishopric of Oxford being to the election of John Bridges, Jan.
then vacant. Tt continued so from the 1603. ]
death of Bishop Underbill, May 1592,
K 2
132
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1602. I read a Divinity Lecture in St. John s College, an. 1602 b .j
It was then maintained by Mrs. Maye c . I was the last that
read it d .
1 Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond, Mar. 24, 1602.
comp. Angl.
A.D. 1603. I was Proctor of the University; chosen May 4, 1603.
I was made Chaplain to the Earl of Devon, Septemb. 3, !
1603 2 .
Adject a est spes mea de Hope was given to me of
A. H. Jan. 1, 1603 3 . Which A. H. Jan. 1, &c. I first be-|
after proved my great happi- gan to hope it, Jan. 21, &c.
ness 6 . Incaepi sperare, Januar.
21, 1600. comp. Angl.
A.D. 1604. I was Bachelor in Divinity, Julii 6, being Friday, 1604 f .
My cross about the Earl of Devon s marriage 4 , Decemb. !
A.D. 1605.26, 1605 s.
1 [ Jacobus Rex inserted in marg.] 2 [This entry in marg.]
3 [After this a word erased.] 4 [Opposite this entry an " X " in marg.]
b [He held at the same time Case s
Exhibition for Students in Divinity.
Wood, Hist, of Colleges, &c. p. 540.]
c [Mrs. May was the widow of Rich.
May, Merchant Tailor. Her daughter
Joan married Sir W. Herrick, to whom
Laud addressed a letter when Presi
dent of St. John s, respecting the re
pairs of the College. See Mchol s
Leicestersh. vol. iii. pp. 150, 151. 163.
The letter will be found in vol. vi. of
this Edition.]
d [It was, probably, in reading this
Lecture that he maintained the con
stant and perpetual visibility of the
Church of Christ through the Church
of Rome and not through obscure
sects, (Heylin, Cypr. Angl. p. 49,)
which brought on him the opposition
of Abbot.]
e [See Prynne s Remark on this pas
sage, and the Archbishop s reply, at
the end of the Diary.]
f [Prynne, Breviate, p. 2, remarks :
" His supposition, when he answered
in the Divinity Schools for his degree,
concerning the efficacy of Baptism,
was taken verbatim out of Bellarmine ;
and he then maintained there could
be no true Church without Diocesan
Bishops ; for which Dr. Holland (then
Doctor of the Chair) openly repre
hended him in the schools for a sedi
tious person, who would reimbark the
Reformed Protestant Churches bejond
the seas, and now sow division between
us and them, who were brethren, by
this novel popish proposition." When
the former of these charges was urged
against the Archbishop at his trial,
he replied that he had his supposition
then by him, " and if any tenet of that
question be the same with Bellar-
mine s, or that there be any line taken
out of him, but what I cite for my
own advantage against him, I will
utterly forfeit my reputation of any
learning to your lordships." (Hist,
of Troubles, p. 380 in marg.) He had
before stated (ibid.) that Abbot ap
proved his opinion, and that the grace
for his degree passed without any op
position.]
s [The circumstance here alluded
to is explained above, p. 81. His
participation in the affair ever weighed
heavily on Laud s mind. It must be
remembered, in extenuation of his
conduct, that such marriages were by
many divines considered lawful. See
Bp. Cosin s Argument on the Disso
lution of Marriage. (Works, vol. iv.)
A paper by the Earl of Devonshire in
defence of his marriage is preserved
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
133
The quarrel Dr. Ayry II picked with me about my Sermon A.D. 1606.
at St. Mary s, Octob. 21, 1606.
I was inducted into the vicarage of Stanford in Northamp- A.D. 1607.
tonshire, November 13, 1607 \
The advowson of North Kilworth in Leicestershire given A.D. 1608.
tome, April 1608.
My acquaintance with C. W. began.
in Lamb. MSS. Numb. 943. p. 47.
j Prynne, (Breviate, p. 2,) to make the
matter more odious, speaks of Lady
; Eich as another man s wife, choosing
j to forget the fact of the divorce.]
h [Henry Airay, Provost of Queen s,
and Vice-Chancellor that year. He
had written a " Treatise on Bowing at
i the Name of Jesus/ in which he con-
i demned the practice. Wood gives the
following account :
" The business being bandied to
and fro for several weeks, Mr. Laud
cleared himself so much, that he
avoided a public recantation in the
Convocation, which most of the Heads
of Houses and Doctors intended to be
done ; yet such was the report that
they raised upon him, as if he was a
Papist, or at least very popishly af
fected, that it was a scandal for any
person to be seen in his company, or
to give him the usual compliment or
time of the day, as he passed the
streets. Many were the censures that
then passed upon him, as a busy and
pragmatical person, and much upon
that account did he at present suffer.
" All that I shall say more of this
matter shall be from a letter of Thomas
Earl of Dorset, Chancellor of the
University, to his Vice Chancellor,
Dr. Airay, dated 24 of December this
year (1606), which, speaking much in
commendation of the person we now
speak of, I cannot without guilt of
concealment omit it. And because
I may deal as clearly with you as you
have done with me, I will let you
know both the way and the matter
that moved me to write these my let
ters unto you, which is this : Mr. Dr.
Paddie (lately of St. John s Coll.) in
the same day wherein my letter to
you was dated, came unto me, and
informed me that a late Sermon was
made by one Mr. Lawde of Oxford, a
verie excellent learned man, (as he
then termed him,) and of very honest
and good conversation, at which Ser
mon (as he said) himself was present,
and in his opinion heard nothing that
might give any just cause of offence.
Nevertheless he said that he was con-
vented for the same before you once,
and that it was purposed that he
should be convented before you again
on the Wednesday past of this week,
which was within two days after his
speech unto me. He said farther
that some two or three very learned
men about the Court had seen and
considered of his Sermon, and had
given approbation of the same. Finally
he concluded, that he understood Mr.
Lawd did mean, if you did proceed
against him, to appeal from you, the
which he doubted would be a scandal
to the University, and minister matter
to the world to bruit that we are
there distracted, which he wished
rather might be, that we are united.
And as upon this information of his,
being my good friend, a man religious,
learned, and one whom 1 love and
trust, I yeilded to his last motion,
which was that I would take the cause
into my own hands, and call two or
three learned Divines, and so order
and compound it as shall be thought
fit. Only in this I differed from his
desire, that I would rather move my
Lord of Canterbury and the Bishop of
London to joyne with me therein,
than to call inferior Divines unto
me. But now having received this
information from yourself, who are the
publick magistrate, and to whose decla
ration I ought to give much more
information than unto any private,
and being one whom I both love and
trust, I am fully resolved to remit and
remand the same cause to you again,
leaving the whole course and proceed
ings therein to your judgment, learn
ing, justice, &c." Wood s Annals, ad
an. 1606. pp. 289, 290.]
1 [6 Nov. 1607, Will. Laud, cler.
S. T. B. institutus ad vie. perpet. eccl.
paroch. de Stanford, ad pres. Tho.
Cave, mil. per resign, Rob. Waller,
ult. incumb. ; resign, ante 2 Dec. 1609.
Keg. Dove, Ep. Petrib. Rennet, apud
Wood, Ath. vol. iii. p. 121.]
134 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1608. I proceeded Doctor in Divinity in the Act, anno 1608 k .
I was made Chaplain to Dr. Neile, then Lord Bishop of!
Rochester, August 5, 1608.
After my unfortunateness with T. (whose death was in July,
1604,) the first offer in this kind that I had after was by]
M. Short, June 1606; then by P. B. not accepted.
A.D. 1609. My first Sermon to King James at Theobald s, Septemb.
17, 1609 1 .
I changed my advowson of North Kil worth for Westj
Tilbury in Essex 1 ; to which I was inducted, Octob. 28, 1609,1
to be near my Lord of Rochester, Dr. Neile.
My next unfortunateness was with E. M. 2 , Decemb. 30,
being 3 Saturday, 1609 4 . A stay in this.
A.D. 1610. My Ld. of Rochester, Dr. Neile, gave me Cuckstone in|
Kent, Mail 25, 1610.
I resigned my fellowship in St. John s Coll. in Oxford,
Octob. 2, 1610, and left Oxford the 8th of the same month.
I fell sick of a Kentish ague, caught at my benefice,
Novemb. 5, 1610, which held me two months.
I left Kuckstone, and was inducted in Norton, Novemb.
1610, by proxy 5 .
In the midst of this sickness, the suit about the President
ship of St. John s began" 1 .
The Lord Chancellor Elsmere s 11 complaint against me to
the King at Christmas, 1610. He was incited against me by
Doctor Abbot , Lord Archbishop of Canterbury elect?.
1 [The whole passage from The quarrel (see previous page), to Septemb.
17, 1609. worn out of MS.]
2 [A word here erased.] 3 [Opposite this entry in marg. 3 |
4 [A word here erased.] 5 [This entry added in marg.]
k [< June 6. Wood, F. 0. i. 327.] see of Canterbury March 4, 1610-11 ;
1 [1609, 26 Oct. Will. Laud cler. elected by the Chapter, March 18.
admiss. ad eccl iam de West Tilbury, Bancroft died Nov. 2, 1610. It was
per resign. Job. Boake S. T. B. ad pres. expected that Bp. Andrewes would
regis. Reg. Bancroft, Ep. Lond. Ken- have succeeded. (Heylin, Cypr. Angl.
net, apud Wood, Ath. vol. iii. p. 121.] p. 59.)]
m [About to be vacated by the pro- p [Heylin writes (Cypr. Angl. p. 56):
motion of Dr. John Buckeridge to the " He (Abbot) made great complaints
see of Rochester, elected Bee. 29, con- against him to Thomas Lord Elsmer
secrated June 9, 1611. That see had (Ellesmere) . . . insinuating to him,
been vacant ever since the previous That he was at least a Papist in heart,
October.] and cordially addicted unto Popery;
n [Thomas Egerton, Chancellor of that he- kept company with none but
the University of Oxford, and Lord profest and suspected Papists, and that
High Chancellor.] if he were suffered to have any place
[George Abbot, nominated to the of government in the University, it
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 135
My next unfortunateness was by S. B., Feb. 11, 1611. It A.D. 1611.
continued long 1 .
I was chosen President of St. John s, May 10, 1611^.
The King sat in person three hours to hear my cause about
the Presidentship of S. John s, at Tichburne, Aug. 29, 161 l r .
It was Dies Decollat. S. Joh. Bapt* The Archbishop of
Canterbury was the original cause of all my troubles 2 .
I was sworn the King s Chaplain, Novemb. 3, 1611.
My next unfortunateness was by S. S., June 13, 1612. It A.D. 1612.
ended quickly.
My next with A. D., which effected nothing, and ended
presently, Septemb. 1612 3 .
My great business with E. B. began Januar. 22, 1612,
It settled as it could, March 5, 1612, comp. Angl. It hath
had many changes ; and what will become of it, God knoweth.
My great misfortune by M. S. began April 9, 1614. A.D. 1614.
A most fierce salt rheum in my left eye, like to have
endangered it.
Dr. Neile, then Bishop of Lincoln, gave me the Prebend
of Bugden, April 18, 1614.
Dr. Neile, the Bishop of Lincoln, gave me the Archdea- A.D. 1615.
corny of Huntingdon, Decemb. 1, 1615*.
The King gave me the Deanery of Gloucester, Novemb. 161 6. A.D. 1616.
I resigned my parsonage of West Tilbury 4 u .
I set forward with the King toward Scotland, March 14,
1616 x , Stilo nostro; and returned a little before him, 1617.
1 [In marg. S. B. x. ] 2 [ The . . . troubles. in marg.]
3 [Part of this entry lost in MS.]
4 [ My great business . . . West Tilbury. lost in MS.]
would undoubtedly turn to the great taken before him is preserved in Lamb.
detriment of religion and dishonour of MSS. Numb. 943. p. 55, which is fol-
his Lordship. The Chancellor here- lowed by the Bishop s determination,
upon makes his address to the King, and a letter of Dr. Nowell on the same
. . . which was like to have destroyed subject, (ibid. pp. 57-59.)]
his hopes to that design ... if Bishop s [See Prynne s remark, Cant. Doom,
Neile . . . had not acquainted his p. 120.]
Majesty with the abilities of the man, * [He resigned this office on his
and the old grudge which Abbot had promotion to the See of S. David s.]
conceived against him."] u [1616, 21 Dec. Nich. Cliffe S.T.B.
i [See his own account of the pro- admiss. ad eccl iam de West Tilbury
ceedings at the election in his "Answer per resign. Will. Lawde S. T.P. ad
to the Speech of Lord Say and Sele," pres. regis. Reg. King. Kennet, apud
p. 474. in marg.] Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii. p. 122.]
r [The case had been already heard x [He was in attendance, as Chap-
by the Bishop of Winchester, and a lain, on Bp. Neile, who, with Bishops
detailed account of the examinations Montagu and Andrewes, accompanied
136 THE DTARY OP THE LIFE
A.D. 1616. My acquaintance began with W. Sta. March 5, 1616,
comp. Angl.
A.D. 1617. E. BJ July 28, 1617. primo 1 .
I was inducted to Ibstock, in Leicestershire, Aug. 2, 1617,
in my return out of Scotland ; and left Norton.
St, John s College on fire under the staircase in the Chap
lain s chamber, by the library, Septemb. 26, 161 7 Z .
A.D. 1618. Lu. Bos. B. to E. B. May 2, 1618. Et quid ad me 2 ?
My ill hap with E. Beg. June 1618 3 .
The great organ in St. John s Chapel set up a : it was begun
Feb. 5, 1618, comp. Angl.
A.D. 1619. I fell suddenly dead for a time at Wickham, in my return
from London, April 2, 1619,
A.D. 1620. I was installed Prebend of Westminster, Januar. 22, 1620 b ,
comp. Angl.j having had the advowson of it ten years the
November before.
A.D. 1621. June 3. The King s gracious speech unto me, June 3, 1621,
concerning my long service. He was pleased to say,
he had given me nothing but Gloucester, which he
well knew was a shell without a kernel .
June 29. His Majesty gave me the grant of the Bishopric
of St. David s, June 29, being S. Peter s day. The
general expectation in Court was, that I should
then have been made Dean of Westminster 11 , and
1 [ E. B. . . . primo. in marg.] 2 [At this an x in marg.]
3 [Added in marg. with ( x before it.]
the King. The Scotch were much lion, and was in use till the year 1768.
scandalized at his wearing a surplice Sir William Paddy by will provided
at the burial of one of the King s the salary of the organist, and endowed
Scotch guard, who died at Edinburgh, the choral service. Wood s Hist, of
See Nichols s Progresses of K. James, Colleges and Halls, pp. 541. 554.]
vol. iii. p. 344.] b [Prebendary of the eighth Stall.
y [Prynne observes on this entry (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii. p. 122.) Both
(Breviate, p. 30) : " After this he Newcourt and Le Neve give the name
lapsed into some other special sin erroneously, Eand. ]
(perhaps uncleanness) with E. B." See c [June 19, 1621, he preached before
the prayer on this occasion, above, the King at Wanstead, on Ps. cxxii.
p. 81, and the Archbishop s answer 6, 7. Chamberlain writes to Sir D.
to this accusation at the end of the Carleton : " Herewithal I send you a
Diary.] sermon of Dr. Laud s, on the King s
z [Prynne remarks, (Breviate, ibid.) birthday, because it is after the manner
" He was very likely to have been the Bp. of Winchester s preaching."
burnt by fire in St. John s College in Birch s Court of James I. vol. ii. p.
Oxford, for his sins," See the prayer 270. This is the first of his published
on this occasion, above, p. 82.] Sermons.]
a [This organ most remarkably (1 [Williams applied for the Bishop-
escaped destruction in the great Rebel- ric of London, then vacant by the
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 137
not Bishop of S. David s. The King gave me leave A.D. 1621.
to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist s
College in Oxon, in my commendam, with the
Bishopric of St, David s 6 . But by reason of the
strictness of that statute, which I will not violate,
nor my oath to it, under any colour, I am resolved
before my consecration to leave it f .
Oct. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. David s, Octob. 10,
1621.
I resigned the Presidentship of St. John s in
Oxford, Novemb. 17, 1621?.
I preached at Westminster, Novemb. 5 1 .
Nov. 18. I was consecrated Bishop of St. David s, Novemb.
18, 1621 h , at London-house Chapel, by the Reverend
Fathers, the Lords Bishops of London 1 , Worcester k ,
Chichester 1 , Ely m , Llandaff 11 , Oxon ; the Arch
bishop being thought irregular, for casual homicide P.
Jan. 6. The Parliament, then sitting, was dissolved by
proclamation, without any session Q.
Jan. 14. The King s letters came to the Archbishop, and
all the Bishops about London, for a contribution of
the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinate 1 .
Jan. 21. The Archbishop s letters came to me about this
business.
Jan. 25. I sent these letters and my own into the diocese.
1 [ I . . .5. added in marg.]
death of Bp. King, offering to give up David s. H. W.
the Deanery of Westminster. (See h [Davenant, Williams, and Gary,
Collection of Grig. Letters, vol. i. p. 52. were consecrated at the same time
Letter xix. Lond. 1755.) Failing in Bishops of Salisbury, Lincoln, and
this, he wished to retain his Deanery Exeter.]
with the [see of Lincoln. This may
explain his earnestness in Laud s be
half, of which Hacket (Life of Williams,
pp. 63, 64,) gives a detailed account,
attributing his conduct to disinterested
motives ; which seems, at least, doubt-
George Montaigne.]
John Thornborough.]
George Carleton.]
Nicholas Felton.]
^Theophilus Field.]
"John Howson.]
ful.] P [For killing Lord Zouche s keeper
e [The dispensation is dated Xov. 8, in Bramzil Park. The pardon of the
1621. See Eymer, Foad. VII. iii. pp. Archbishop and his Dispensation for
214, 215.] irregularity were granted on the 22d
f This clause is maliciously omitted of November. See a copy of the Dis-
by Prynne. H. W. pensation in Collier, Eccl. Hist, vol.ii.
Hence may be corrected an error Kecords, numb cviii.]
of Dr. Heylin, and others who follow- 1 [See Rymer, Fced.VII. iii. p. 222.]
ing him relate, that Dr. Laud held the r [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
Presidentship of St. John s in com- i. p. 60.]
mendam with the Bishopric of St.
138 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1621. Feb. 17. I preached at Westminster 3 . All my former
sermons are omitted 1 .
Mar. 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17 2 ,
between six and seven in the morning.
Mar. 18. Dr. Theodore Price* went towards Ireland out of
London, about the Commission appointed there u .
Mar. 24. I preached at Court : commanded to print x .
An. 1622.
April 13. The King renewed my commendamv.
April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince s Highness,
to give notice of letters I received of a treasonable
sermon preached in Oxford, on Sunday, April 14,
by one Mr. Knight, of Broadgates 2 .
April 14. Sunday, I waited at the entertainment of Count
Swartzenburge, the Emperor s ambassador, in the
Parliament House a .
April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week, the King sent
for me, and set me into a course b about the Countess
of Buckingham c , who about that time was wavering
in point of religion.
1 [ All . . . omitted. inserted between lines.]
2 [This date put also in marg. in ( ).]
8 [Septuagesima Sunday.] 25, 1622, to the rectory of Rudback-
1 [Subdean of Westminster, and ston, and April 12, permitted him
Preb. of Winchester. Prynne states further to hold in commendam the
(Cant. Doom, p. 355) that Laud wished stall of Lambister, in the Coll. Church
to promote him to a Welsh Bishopric of Brecon, together with the stall in
(St. Asaph), but that Dr. Owen was Westminster, and the rectory of Ib-
preferred in his stead. Fuller also in- stock, spoken of in the former com-
forms us (Church Hist. lib. xi. sect. vi. mendam. Rymer, Fred. VII. iii. pp.
17.), that Williams endeavoured to 230. 235, 236.]
make him Archbishop of Armagh, and * [Wood, in his Annals (ad an. p.
that he died a professed Romanist. 341), gives a full account of this ser-
Heylin (Examen Hist. num. 332, p. mon, and of the proceedings conse-
(2)74.) regards this latter story as a quently adopted, both in the Univer-
fabrication intended to injure Arch- sity, and by the King and Privy
bishop Laud. But the statement is Council]
confirmed by Hacket (Life of Wil- a [See a letter of Mede to Sir Martin
liams, par. ii. p. 97), who gives a de- Stuteville. Birch s Court of James I.
tailed account of his being reconciled vol. ii. p. 306.]
on his death-bed to that Church.] b All these passages concerning his
u [For an inquiry into the state of conference with Fisher, and settling
the Irish Church. See the Commission the Marquis and Countess of Buck-
in Rymer, Feed. VII. iii. p. 231. It ingham in religion, are omitted by
is dated March 20.] Prynne. H. W.
* [The day of the King s accession. c [Mary, widow of Sir George Vil-
See his second Sermon, on Ps. xxi. liers, created Countess of Buckingham;
now wife of Sir Thomas Compton, her
The King presented him, March third husband. Laud, in his defence
6, 7.]
> [
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 139
April 24. Dr. Francis White d and I met about this. A.D. 1622.
May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich, and came back
in coach with the Lord Marquis Buckingham. My
promise then to give his Lordship the discourse he
spake to me for.
May 12. I preached at Westminster.
May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquis Buckingham the
papers concerning the difference between the Church
of England and Rome, in point of salvation, &c.
May 23. My first speech with the Countess of Buckingham.
May 24. The conference between Mr. Fisher, a Jesuit 6 ,
and myself, before the Lord Marquis Buckingham
and the Countess his mother. I had much speech
with her after.
June 9. BeingWhitsunday, my Lord Marquis Buckingham
was pleased to enter upon a near respect to me.
The particulars are not for paper f .
June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham. And
June 16. Being Trinity Sunday, he received the sacrament
at Green wichs.
June 22, &c. I saw two books in folio of Sir Robert Cotton s.
In the one was all the order of the Reformation in
the time of Hen. VIII. ; the original letters and
despatches under the King s and the Bishops &c.
own hands. In the other, were all the preparatory
letters, motives, &c. for the suppression of the
abbeys: their suppression and value in the originals.
An extract of both which books I havener capita.
July 5. I first entered into Wales.
July 9. I began my first visitation at the College in
Brecknock, and preached.
on the first day of his trial, (Hist, of mystery of iniquity fit to be con-
Troubles and Trial, chap. xxii. p. 226. cealed." Prynne, Cant. Doom, p.
in marg.) observes, "I brought the 416.]
Lady, his mother, to the Church again, [" The Countess of Buckingham
but she was not so happy, as to con- received on Sunday in the King s
tinue with us."] Chapel, with both her daughters
d [Rector of S. Peter s, Cornhill; sue- (though they had received before) and
cessively Dean of Carlisle, Bishop of some others ; and for reward of her
Carlisle, Norwich, and Ely.] devotion and conformity, some say,
e [A full account of Fisher is given she had a present of 2,0001." John
in the Preface to the Conference, in Chamberlain to Sir D. Carleton, June
vol. ii. of this Edition.] 22, 1622. Birch s Court of James I.
f [" Therefore certainly some deep vol. ii. p. 316.]
140 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
.D. 1622. July 24, 25. I visited at St. David s; and preached.
Aug. 6, 7. I visited at Carmarthen, and preached. The
Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn,
July 16, 17 ; and at Haverfordwest, July 19, 20.
Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen.
Sept. 1. My answer given to his Majesty about nine arti
cles delivered in a book from Mr. Fisher the Jesuit 11 .
These articles were delivered me to consider of,
Aug. 28.
The discourse concerning them the same night
at Windsor, in the presence of the King, the Prince,
the Lord Marquis Buckingham, his lady 1 , and his
mother.
Sept. 18. aut circiter. There was notice given me, that
Mr. Fisher had spread certain copies of the con
ference had between him and me, Maii 24, into
divers recusants hands k .
Oct. ... I got the sight of a copy, and in October made
an answer to it.
Oct. 27. I preached at Westminster.
Dec. 12. My ancient friend, Mr. R. Peashall, died, hora
sexto, matutina l . It was Thursday, and sol in Capri. 6
Lucia Virgo, in some almanacs a day before it ; in
some, a day after it.
Dec. 16. My Lord Marquis Buckingham s speech to me
about the same key.
Dec. 25. I preached at St. Giles-without 1 Cripplegate 2 .
I was three times with the King this Christmas ;
and read over to him the answer which I had
made to Fisher, which he commanded should be
printed ; and I desired it might pass in a third
person, under the name of R. B. m
1 [ hora . . . matutina. in marg.]
2 .[* December 25. . . . Cripplegate. in marg.]
h [Fisher charged the English Church "Replie to Jesuit Fisher s Answere,"
with nine remarkable errors, in answer &c. Lond. 1624.]
to the nine points which the King had * [Buckeridge, Bp. of Rochester,
urged against the Church of Home.] was then incumbent.]
1 [Lady Katherine Manners, daugh- m [It appeared as an Appendix to
ter and sole heir to Francis Earl of White s " Replie." The initials are
Rutland.] those of Richard Baylie, his chaplain,
k [Fisher s MS. account of the con- afterwards President of St. John s,
ference is incorporated in Dr. White s Dean of Sarum, and his executor. The
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 141
Jan. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner A.D. 1622.
chamber at York House.
QUOD BEET DEUS SALVATOR NOSTER CHRISTUS
JESUS.
Jan. 17. I received letter from E. B. to continue my favour,
as Mr. R. P. had desired me.
Jan. 19. I preached at Westminster 11 .
Jan. 27. I went out of London about the parsonage of
Creeke, given me into my commendam .
Jan. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the parsonage
of Creeke?.
Jan. 31. I was inducted into Creeke.
Feb. 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day, I preached
and read the Articles at Creeke.
Feb. 5. Wednesday, 1 came to London. I went that
night to his Majesty, hearing he had sent for me,
He delivered me a book to read and observe. It
was a tract of a Capuchin, that had once been a
Protestant. He was now with the French ambas
sador. The tract was to prove that Christ s body
was in two places at once, in the apparition to
St. Paul. Acts ix.
Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this book.
Feb. 9. Promovi Edmundum I ordained Edmund
Provant Scotum in Pres- Provant a Scot Priest,
byterum. Primogenitus He was my first-begotten
meus fuit in Domino l . in the Lord.
Feb. 17. Monday. The Prince and the Marquis Bucking
ham set forward very secretly for Spain 1.
Feb. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain.
1 [ Feb. 9. ... Domino. in marg.]
full title of the book is given in the Meneven. in rect. eccl. de Creeke ad
present edition of the Conference, p. pres. Jacobiregis, Beg. Dove. KENNETT,
iii. note a .] apud Wood, Ath. Ox. iii. 123.]
n [Second Sunday after Epiphany.] 1 [His knowledge of this secret ex-
[To which he had been presented pedition into Spain is urged against
by the King, Jan. 24. (Kymer, Fred, him by Prynne, as a proof that he
VII. iv. p. 38.) The former com- favoured Popery. Cant. Doom, pp. 416,
mendam had allowed him to hold one 417. Breviate, p. 14. See the Prayer
additional benefice, besides those spe- used on this occasion, above, p. 76,
cially mentioned.] and the Archbishop s reply to Prynne
P [29 Januar. 1622, Ep us Petrib. at the end of the Diary.]
instituit Dom. Gulielmum Ep um
142 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1622. Feb. 22. Saturday. I fell very ill, and was very suddenly
plucked down in four days.
I was put into the Commission of Grievances 1 .
There were in the Commission the Lord Marquis
Buckingham 3 , Lord ArundeP, Lord Pembroke 11 ,
Bishop of Winchester*, and myself. The pro
clamation came out for this, Febr. 14 l .
March 9. Thomas Owen, Bat. of Arts, Deacon.
Mar. 10. And John Mitchel and he, Priests, March 10.
Mar. 23. I preached at Whitehall y.
An. 1623.
Mar. 31. I received letters from my Lord of Buckingham
out of Spain.
April 9. I received letters from my Lord of Buckingham
out of Spain.
April 13. Easter-day, I preached at Westminster.
April 26. John Burrough, Master of Arts, Deacon and
Priest.
May 3 My speech with E. B., and the taking off my
and 16. jealousies about the great business.
June 1. Whitsunday, I preached at St. Bride s z .
June 13. I received letters from the Duke of Buckingham
out of Spain a .
June 15. R. B. died at Stony Stratford; which what it will
work with B. E. God in heaven knoweth; and be
merciful unto me.
July 6. I preached at Westminster b .
July 15. St. S within. A very fair day till towards five at
night. Then great extremity of thunder and light-
1 [ The . . . Feb. 14. in marg.]
r [See "A Proclamation declaring High Chamberlain.]
his Majesty s Grace to his Subjects for * [Lancelot Andrewes.]
their Eelief against Public Grievances." y [Fourth Sunday in Lent.]
Kymer, Feed. VII. iv. p. 43. The Com- z [Thomas Palmer was then Yicar.
niissioners were required to receive See his Life in Fuller s Worthies, and
petitions concerning "any notable op- Lloyd s Memoirs.]
pression, exaction, bribery, or other a [Sir Fr. Cottington had returned
grievance."] from Spain on the previous day.
8 [Now Lord High Admiral.] Birch s Court of James I. vol. ii. p.
1 [Thomas Lord Arundel and Sur- 407.]
rey, Earl Marshall.] b [Fourth Sunday after Trinity.]
[William Earl of Pembroke, Lord
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 143
July 15. ning. Much hurt done. The lantern at St. James s A.D. 1623.
house blasted. The vane bearing the Prince s arms,,
beaten to pieces. The Prince then in Spain. It
was Tuesday; and their St. James s day, Stilo novo c .
Aug. 17. I received letters from the Duke of Buckingham
out of Spain.
Aug. 31. I preached at Sunninge, with my Lord of
Bristol d .
Sept. 8. I was at Bromley e ; and heard of the unfortunate
passage between my friends there.
-Oct. 3. Friday, I was with my Lord Keeper; to whom
I found some had done me very ill offices. And
he was very jealous of L. B/s favour.
Oct. 6. The Prince and the Duke of Buckingham caine
to London from Spain. Monday. They landed
at Portsmouth, Oct. 5 l . The greatest expression
of joy by all sorts of people, that ever I saw f .
Oct. 20. Thomas Blackiston, Batch, of Arts, Deacon.
Oct. 26. The fall of an house, while Drewrye the Jesuit
was preaching, in the JBlackfriars. About 100 slain.
(It was in their account, Novemb. 5.)
Oct. 31. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with
that which passed between the Lord Keeper and me.
Nov. 12. Wednesday night, a most grievous fire in Bread-
street in London 11 . Alderman Cooking s 1 house,
with others, burnt down.
Nov. 18. Tuesday night, the Duke of Buckingham enter
tained the two Spanish ambassadors ; Don Diego
de Mendoza, the extraordinary; and Don Carolos
1 [ They . . . Oct. 5. in marg.]
c [See an account of this storm, Nichols, vol. iii. p. 927.]
Nichols, vol. iii. p. 411.] . e [See an account of this disaster in
d [Robert Wright, afterwards Bp. Birch s Court of James I. vol. ii. pp.
of Lichfield. It appears by the Re- 426-431. A book was published im-
gister of the Dean of Sarum, that he mediately after, called the " Fatal
was jnstituted to the Vicarage of Vespers," giving a detailed account of
Sonning, June 13, 1604.] the circumstances. The house was
e [Bromley, near Stratford-le-Bow.
occupied by the French Ambassador.]
Edm. Layfield, who married Laud s h [See Birch s Court of James I.
sister Bridgett, was probably at this vol. ii. p. 433.]
time Incumbent. He was so in 1629. * [Sir William Cockaine, Lord
(Wood, F. 0. vol. i. p. 427.)] Mayor in 1619.]
( [An account of the rejoicings in
144 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1623. Nov. 18. Columnas, the ordinary ; and Mexia (I think his
name was), ambassador from the Arch-dukes. One
of the Extraordinary Ambassadors of Spain, Mar
quess Iniioca came not ; because Mendoza and he
could not agree upon precedency. His Majesty
and the Prince were there. The Bishop of London k
and myself waited upon the King l .
Dec. 14. Sunday night, I did dream that the Lord Keeper
was dead : that I passed by one of his men, that was
about a monument for him ; that I heard him say,
his lower lip was infinitely swelled and fallen, and
he rotten already.
This dream did trouble me.
Dec. 15. On Monday morning, I went about business to
my Lord Duke of Buckingham. We had speech in
the Shield Gallery at Whitehall. There I found,
that the Lord Keeper had strangely forgotten him
self to him ; and I think was dead in his affections.
Dec. 21. I preached at Westminster.
Dec. 27. St. John s day, I was with my Lord Duke of
Buckingham. I found, that all went not right with
the Lord Keeper, &c. He sent to speak with me,
because he was to receive the next day.
Dec. 30. I adventured to tell my Lord Duke of Bucking
ham, of the opinion generally held touching the
commission of sending Sir Edward Coke, and some
others, into Ireland, before the intended Parliament" 1 .
Jan. 3. I received my writ to appear in Parliament,
Febr. 12. following.
k [George Montaigne, or Mountain; 1628 ; where this practice of sending
in 1627, Bishop of Durham.] persons out of the country on special
1 [See a long account of this enter- commissions was alleged as a griev-
tainment in Nichols, vol. iii. pp. 939 ance. See Biogr. Brit. art. Coke,
-941.] note W. pp. 1394, 1395 ; and Rush-
m [The Commission, on which Coke worth s Collections, vol. i. p. 523.
was nominated, was to inquire into Eespecting this very journey of Sir
the state of the Church in Ireland. E. Coke, John Chamberlain writes to
(See Rymer, Feed. VII. iv. p. 89.) Sir Dudley Carleton : "The poor man
It was no unusual practice at this sets a good face on it, and makes show
time to appoint persons to Commis- to go cheerfully ; but in secret tells
sions in Ireland, who were likely to his friends he never expects to see ,
be troublesome at home ; and this them again. Indeed, it is thought a
seems to be the light in which Sir hard journey for a man more than
E. Coke viewed his nomination on threescore and fourteen years old,
this occasion, as appears by his speech and that never was at sea." Birch s
in the House of Commons, in April Court of James I. vol. ii. p. 448.]
OE ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 145
Jan. 10. I received a command under seal from my Lord A.D. 1623.
of London, to warn for the Convocation.
Jan, 10. I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham; and
showed him the state of the book printed about the
Vis. of the Church, and what was like to ensue
upon it n .
Jan. 11. I was with his Majesty, to show him the Epistle,
that was to be printed before the Conference be
tween me and Fisher the Jesuit, Maii 24, 1622,
which he was pleased to approve. The King brake
with me about the book printed then of the Vis. of
the Church. He was hard of belief, that A. B. C.
was the author of it. My Lord K. met with me in
the withdrawing chamber, and quarrelled me gratis 1 .
Jan. 12. I sent the summons down into the country to the
Clergy, for their appearance at the Convocation.
Jan. 14. I acquainted my L. D. of B. with that which passed
on the Sunday before, between the L. K. and me.
Jan. 16. I was all day with Doctor W.P about my papers
of the Conference ; and making them ready for the
press.
Here is left a large void space [of two and a half pages] in the
original, to insert the occurrences of the eight following days ;
which space was never filled up.
Jan. 25. Dies Solis erat. Ego It was Sunday. I was
solus, et nescio qua alone, and languishing
tristitia languens. Pre- with I know not what
mebat anxium invidia sadness. I was much
J. L. et odium gratui- concerned at the envy
turn. Sumpsi in manus and undeserved hatred
Testamentum Novum borne to me by the Lord
Grseco idiomate 2 , pen- Keeper. I took into my
1 [ My Lord . . . gratis. in marg.]
2 [ Grseco idiomate, in marg.]
" [ A Treatise of Perpetual Visi- title-page, but his arms are prefixed.]
bility and Succession of the True [Arch-Bishop of Cant]
Church in all Ages. Loud. 1624. P [Francis White.]
Abbot s name is not placed in the
LAUD. VOL. in.
146
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.I>. 1623. Jan. 25. sum diei ordine lectums.
Caput autem mihi occur-
rit ad Hebr. xiii. Ibi
statim occurrit mihi mce-
renti metuentique illud
Davidis, Psal. Ivi. Do-
minus mihi adjutor; noil
timebo quid faciat mihi
homo/ Exemplum mihi
putavi propositum ; et
sub eo scuto quis non
tutus? Protege me, O
Dominus Deus meus.
Jan. 31. Commissio emissa sub
m. Sigillo Anglise me
inter alios judicem dele-
gatum constituit in causa
dilapidations i inter Rev.
in Christ o Patrem Rich.
Neile 1 , Dominion Episco-
pum Dunelm., et Fran-
ciscuni James, filium et
hseredem prsedecessoris 1 .
Huie commissioni inser-
vivi ab hora secunda
pomeridiana ad quint am.
Dies erat Saturni. Lo
cus camera magna, ubi
Legum Doctores simul
convivunt, vulgo dictus
Doctors Commons.
Feb. 1. Dies solis erat. Astiti
illust. Principi Carolo
1 [ Rich. Neile/ in
hands the Greek Testa
ment, that I might read
the portion of the day.
I lighted upon the xiii.
chapter to the Hebrews;
wherein that of David,
Psal. Ivi., occurred to
me then grieving and
fearing : * The Lord is
my helper : I will not
fear what man can do
unto me/ I thought an
example was set to me ;
and who is not safe under
that shield ? Protect me,
Lord my God.
A commission, passed
under the broad Seal of
England, constituted me
among others a judge
delegate in a suit of di
lapidation, between the
Rev. Father in God
Richard Neile, Lord
Bishop of Durham, and
Francis James, son and
heir of his predecessor.
1 attended the execution
of this commission from
two to five o clock in the
afternoon on Saturday,
in the great chamber at
Doctors Commons.
Sunday. I stood by the
most illustrious Prince
marg.]
i [This dispute must have been
of long standing, as Neile became
Bishop of Durham, Oct. 1617.]
r [Francis, son of William James,
Bp. of Durham, by his third wife.
His elder brother, William James,
had died. (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. ii, p.
203.)]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
147
1. prandenti. Hilaris turn
admodum sibi conviva;
multa obiter cum suis.
Inter csetera, se, si neces-
sitas aliquod genus vitse
imponeret, juristam esse
non posse. Subjunxit
rationes. Nequeo/ in-
quit, malam causam
defendere, nee in bona
succumbere/ Sic in
majoribus succedas in
seternum faustus, Sere-
nissime Princeps.
4. Dies Mercurii erat.
Colloquium cum Fishero
Jesuita habitum, Maii
24, 1622, jussu Sereniss.
Re : Jacobi scriptis man-
datum, Regi ipsi antea
perlectum 8 , typis excu-
dendum hodie traditur ;
cum approbatione Epi-
scopi London.
Nunquam antehac sub
prelo laboravi. Nullus
controversor. Et ita,
oro, amet beetque ani-
mam meam Deus, ut
ego bene et ad gloriam
nominis Ejus sopitas
Charles at dinner. He A.D. 1623.
was then very merry ;
and talked occasionally
of many things with his
attendants. Among other
things, he said, that if
he were necessitated to
take any particular pro
fession of life, he could
not be a lawyer ; adding
his reasons. I cannot/
saith he, defend a bad,
nor yield in a good
cause/ May you ever
hold this resolution, and
succeed (most Serene
Prince) in matters of
greater moment, for ever
prosperous.
Wednesday, my Con
ference held with Fisher
the Jesuit, May 24, 1622,
and put in writing at the
command of King James,
having been before read
to the King, was this day
put into the press ; being-
licensed by the Bishop
of London.
I had not hitherto ap
peared in print. I am
no controvertist. May
God so love and bless
my soul, as I desire and
endeavour, that all the
never to be enough de-
s [The king had also had White s
Reply to Fisher read over to him, as
appears by a letter to Joseph Mede.
Birch s Court of James T, vol. ii. p.
435. Laud s Conference, it must be
remembered, was first published at
the end of this Reply.]
L 2
148
A.D. 1623. Feb. 4.
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
cupio conorque Ecclesiye
nunquam satis deflendas
distractiones.
Invisi hodie Ducissam
Buckinghamise. Ostendit
mini ilia, bonitas ipsa,
foemina precum formu-
lani. Hanc ei in manus
dedit alia, mihi ue de
nomine nota, mulier.
Peiiegi. Mediocra om-
nia : nihil egregium,
nisi quod poesi similior
canebat.
Feb. 6.
Feb. 10.
Feb.
Feb. 15.
Feb.
Feb. 18.
plored distractions of the
Church may be com
posed happily, and to the
glory of His Name.
This day I waited on
the Duchess of Buck
ingham. That excellent
lady, who is goodness
itself, showed me a form
of devotions, which an
other woman, unknown jl
to me, had put into her ,
hands, I read it. A1H
was mean in it : nothing f
extraordinary; unless! I
that it was more like to I
poetry.
Friday, my L. D. of B. told me of the recon-i
ciliation the day before made with the Lord Keeper, jl
Shrove Tuesday, at the Commons, sentence in 1
my L. of Durham s case*.
Thursday, the Parliament was to begin; but wasj
put off to Monday the 16 of February.
Sunday, at the Consecration of Dr. Harmer u ,|
Bishop of St. Asaph.
16. Dies Luna3 erat. Dux Monday. The Duke ofy
Richmondias x subita pa- Richmond, being seized!]
ralysi correptus, mortuus suddenly with the palsyj
est. Hoc fatum rejecit died. This accident putjl
Paiiiamentum in 19 off the Parliament to thej
Februarii. 19 of February.
Wednesday, my L. D. of B. told me of thej
reconciliation and submission of my L. K. ; and
that it was confessed unto him, that his favour to!
me was a chief cause. Invidia quo tendis ? &c. At\
ille de novo fcedus pepigit.
* [See above, at Jan. 31.]
u [John Hanmer,Prebendary of Wor
cester, elected Bishop, Jan. 20. The
name is written Banner in the MS.]
x [Esme Stuart, second Duke of
Richmond, and Lord Steward. Seel
Bp. Williams letter, suggesting to
Buckingham that he should take the
vacant office. Ellis s Orig. Letters,!
3d Series, Letter 464, vol. iv. p. 191.JJ
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 149
eh. 19. Thursday, The Parliament began. A.D. 1623.
"eb. 20. Friday, The Convocation began.
"eb. 22. Will. Fulwell made Deacon, Mr. of Arts, of
Q. Coll. in Cambridge \
"eb. 24. Tuesday, The Duke of Buckingham s relation of
the negotiation with Spain about the Prince s mar
riage, to both Houses of Parliament y.
(1 eb. 29. Sunday, in the evening the D. Buc. coach over
thrown between Exeter House and the Savoy. -The
Spanish ambassador lay there. No omen, I hope,
more than that they thought to soil him. Secretary
Conway 2 was in the coach with him. Mr. Bond
came into the help, and told it me.
|rlar. 7. Mid-Lent Sunday, I preached at Whitehall.
*!ar. 14. Passion Sunday, I preached at Westminster.
viar. 17. Lord Keeper his complimenting with me. Will.
Fulwell, Priest 2 .
r. 22. Monday, dismal day. The accident of my Lord
of Rutland a giving Not content to the form consented
to in the Parliament House, being the only voice
dissenting.
VTar. 23. Tuesday, The censure of Morley b , Waterhouse,
and the printer, about the petition against my
Lord Keep.
That afternoon the K. declared to the committee,
that he would send a messenger presently into
Spain, to signify to that king that his Parliament
advised him to break off the treaties of the match
and the Palatinate, and to give his reasons of
it ; and so proceed to recover the Palatinate as he
might c .
Bonfires made in the city by the forwardness of
1 [ Will. Fulwell . . . Cambridge. in marg.]
2 [ Will. Fulwell . . . Priest. in marg.]
y [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. justification of the Duke of Bucking-
i. pp. 119-125.] ham s relation.]
[Edward Conway, created March b [See Racket s Life of Williams,
22, 1624, Baron Conway, and after- par. i. p. 191.]
wards Viscount Killulta, and Conway.] c [The King s speech is given in
1 [George Manners, 7th Earl of Rut- Rush worth, vol. i. pp. 129131.]
land. The vote of the House was in
150 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1623. the people, for joy that we should break with SpairJ
quoties tenuit me illud, Psal. Ixvii. 31. Dissipl
gentes, qua bella volunt : sed spero, quia coacti \
Mar. 24. Wednesday, Initium Regis Jacobi. The Earl oj
Oxford d , practising a tilt, fell and brake his arm.
That night, inter horas 6 et 7, a great eclipse ol
the moon,
Mar. 25. Thursday, The recess of the Parliament for a weeld
An. 1624.
Mar. 26. Good Friday, Viscount Mansfield 6 , running at till
to practise, with the shock of the meeting, hij
horse, weaker or resty, tumbled over and over, and
brake his own neck in the place ; the lord had na
great harm. Should not this day have othej
employment ?
Mar. 27. Saturday, Easter-even, my speech with my L[
Duke of B. about a course to ease the Church iij
times of payment of the subsidy now to be given f
His promise to prepare both the King and th(
Prince 2 .
Mar. 28. Easter-day, Eichard Earl of Dorset died*, being
well and merry in the Parliament House on Wed
nesday the 24th.
Quam nihil est vita hominis ? Miserere nostri.
His grandfather, Thomas Earl of Dorset, diec
suddenly at the council-table h . His grandmothei
rose well 1 , and was dead before dinner. His fathei
1 [ quoties . . . coacti. in marg.]
2 [This eutry inserted in a lower part of the page.]
d [Robert de Vere, 19th Earl of Ox- lings in the pound. Laud wished, for!
ford. He had been recently released the sake of the poorer clergy, that the!
from an imprisonment of twenty money should be paid by instalments.]!
months. (Birch s Court of James I., [Third Earl of Dorset.]
vol. ii. p. 445.)] [Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckl
e [William Cavendish, created Vise, hurst, and first Earl of Dorset of the
Mansfield, Nov. 3, 1620 ; Earl of New- Sackville family, Chancellor of thef
castle, March 7, 1628; Marquess of Univ.of Oxford^Lord High Treasurer J
Newcastle, Oct. 27, 1643, and Duke of He died April 19, 1608. His funeral j
Newcastle, March 1, 1664. He died sermon was preached by Archbishop!
1676. He was actively employed on Abbot, then Dean of Winchester.!
the King s side during the Great Re- (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. ii. p. 33.)]
bellion.] ! [Cicely, daughter of Sir Johnl
f [The Clergy in Convocation had Baker, of Sisinghurst, Kent. She died !
voted four subsidiesjfcbeing four f-hil- Oct. 1 1615.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 151
Robert lay not above two days k . And now this A.D. 1624.
man. Sir Ed. Sack l
Mar. 29. Easter Monday, I went and acquainted my L.
Keep, with what I had said to my L. Duke. He
approved it, and said it was the best office that was
done for the Church this seven years. And so said
my L. of Durham. They persuaded me to go and
acquaint my Lord s Grace with what I had done.
I went. His G. was very angry. Asked, what I had
to do to make any suit for the Church. Told me,
never any Bp. attempted the like at any time, nor
would any but myself have done it. That I had
given the Church such a w r ouiid, in speaking to any
L. of the laity about it, as I could never make
whole again. That if my L. Duke did fully under
stand what I had done, he would never endure me
to come near him again. I answered : I thought
I had done a very good office for the Church ; and
so did my betters think. If his G. thought other
wise, I was sorry I had offended him. And I hoped,
being clone out of a good mind, for the support of
many poor vicars abroad in the country, who must
needs sink under three subsidies in a year, my error
(if it were one) was pardonable. So we parted.
I went to my L. Duke, and acquainted him with
it ; lest I might have ill offices done me for it to
the King and the Prince.
Sic Deus beet me ser- So may God bless me
vum suum, laborantem his servant, labouring
sub pressura eorum, qui under the pressure of
semper volueruiit mala them, who alway wished
mihi. ill to me.
April 16. Eriday, My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit
printed, came forth.
April 18. Sunday, I preached at Paul s Cross 1 .
1 [This entry first made before April 16, and then erased, and inserted here.]
k [He died Feb. 25, 1608-9.] Lord Privy Seal, and President of the
1 [The brother of the deceased ; after- Council. See his character in Claren-
wards Lord Chamberlain to Henrietta don, Hist. Eebell. vol. i. p. 104.]
Maria, Lord Chamberlain to the King,
152 THE DIARY OE THE LIFE
A.D. 1624. April 27. Tuesday, My very good friend Dr. Linsell m cut
for the stone, circiter horam nonam ante meridiem.
[About nine o clock in the forenoon.]
May 1. Saturday, E. B. married. The sign in Pisces.
May 5. Wednesday, Ascension-eve, the King s speech in
the B. house at Whitehall, to the Upper House of
Parliament, concerning the hearing of the Lord
Treasurer s cause, which was to begin the Friday
following n . This day ray L. D. of Buc. came to
town with his Majesty, sick. And continued ill till
Saturday, May 22 .
Maii 13. Thursday, Lionel Earl of Middlesex, L. Treas. of
England, and Master of the Wards, censured in
Parliament for bribery and extortion, and deceiving
the King, &c. To lose his offices. To be ever
disenabled to bear any. Eined to the King in
50,000/. Imprisoned in the Tower during the K/s
pleasure. Never to sit again as a peer in Parlia
ment. Not to come within the verge of the Court.
Maii 15. Saturday, Whitsun-eve, The Bill passed in Parlia
ment for the King to have York House in exchange
for other lands . This was for the L. D. of Buc.
Maii 16. Whitsunday night, I watched with my L. D. of
Buck. This was the first fit that he could be per
suaded to take orderly.
May 18. Tuesday night, I watched with my L. D. of Buck. :
he took this fit very Drderly.
May 19. Wednesday, The B. of Norwich, Sam. Harsneti ,
was presented by the House of Commons to the
1 [ May 1 ... May 22. iu marg.]
m [Dr. Augustin Lindsell, Preb. of n [See an account of the speech in a
Durham, afterwards successively Dean letter by John Chamberlain to Sir
of Lichfield, Bishop of Peterborough, Dudley Carleton (Birch s James I.,
and Hereford. He died 1634. He was vol. ii. p. 455.)]
well read in the Fathers, and prepared [21 Jac. I. cap. 30, An Act to as-
for the press Theophylact on St. Paul s sure York House and other lands to
Epistles, published in 1636 by his the King, and to assure the Manors
Chaplain, Thomas Baily, afterwards of Brighton, Santon, and other lands
Bishop of Killala. (Wood, F. 0. vol. i. to the Archbishop of York. See an
p. 360; Ath. Ox. vol. iv. p. 844.) account of York House in Cunning-
Lindsell is expressly mentioned in the ham s Hand-Book of London.]
letter addressed by Laud to the King s P [Bishop of Chichester on the pro-
printers, requiring them to establish motion of Bishop Andrewes, elected
a Greek press.] Bishop of Norwich, June 16, 1619, and
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 153
Lords *. His cause was referred by the House to A.D. 1624.
my Lord s G. of Cant, and the High Commission 1 .
Maii 22. Saturday, He missed his fit.
Maii 26. Wednesday, He went with his Majesty to Green
wich.
Maii 28. Friday, E. B. came to London. He had not
leisure to speak with me (though I sent and offered
to wait all opportunities) till June 16, being Wed
nesday 2 .
Maii 29. Saturday, The first session of Parliament ended.
And the prorogation was to the second of November.
Jun. 6. Second Sunday after Trinity, I preached at West
minster.
Jim. 8. Tuesday, I went to New-Hall r to my L. Duke of
Buckingham, and came back to London on Friday,
June 11.
Jun. 16. Wednesday, I took my lasting leave of E. B.
The great dry summer 3 .
My dream Jun. 4, Wednesday night, 1623. In
this dream was all contained, that followed in the
carriage of E. B. towards me ; and that night R. B.
sickened to the death.
Maii 29. Saturday night, 1624. I was marvellously
troubled with E. B. before they came to London.
That there was much declining to speak with me ;
but yet at last I had conference, and took my last
ing leave. And this so fell out, respice ad Maii 28.
[see May 28.] This day the rain began after the
greatest droAvth that ever I knew in these parts ;
but it continued little 4 .
Julii 7. Wednesday night, My L. of Durham s quarrel
about the trifling business of Fr. N.
Wednesday . . . High Commission. in marg.]
( Friday . . . \Vednesday. in marg.]
The . . . summer. in marg.]
This day . . . little. inserted, but afterwards erased.]
Archbishop of York, Nov. 26, 1628. to the east, etc. The charges are given
Ob. May 25, 1631.] in full, and the Bishop s reply, in
i [ See Commons Journals. He was the Parliamentary History.]
charged, 1, with putting down preach- r [The Duke s seat, near Chelms-
ing; 2, setting up images ; 3, praying ford.]
154 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
,D. 1624. Julii 23. Friday, I went to lie and keep house, and preach
at my livings, held in commendam, Creek and Ib-
stock. That Friday night, at St. Albans, I gave
R. R. s , my servant, his first interest in my busi
nesses of moment.
July 27. This I confirmed unto him, the Wednesday
morning following, at Stanford.
Aug. 7. Saturday, while I was at Long Whatton with my
brother *, my passion by blood, and my fear of a
stone in my bladder.
Aug. 8. Sunday, I went and preached at my parsonage at
Ibstock, and set things in order there.
Aug. 26. Thursday, My horse trod on my foot, and lamed
me : which stayed me in the country a week longer
than I intended.
Sept. 7. Tuesday, I came to London.
Sept. 9. Thursday, my L. of Buckingham consulted with
me about a man that offered him a strange way of
cure for himself and his brother. At that time
T delivered his Grace the copies of the two little
books which he desired me to write out.
Sept. 16. Thursday, Prince Charles his grievous fall, which
he had in hunting.
Sept. 25. Saturday, My L. D s proposal about an army, and
the means, and whether Sutton s Hospital might
not, &c.
Oct. 2. Saturday, in the evening, at Mr. WindebankV 1 ,
my ancient servant, Adam Torless v , fell into a
swoon ; and we had much ado to recover him ; but
I thank God, we did.
s [Richard Eobinson. See Diary, knighted. The favour shown by him
Feb. 14, 1635.] to priests and other members of the
1 [Dr. William Robinson, afterwards Church of Rome is strongly urged
Archdeacon of Nottingham. There against him by Prynne, (Hidden
are several entries in the register of Works, pp. 122, seq.,) who makes use
this parish relating to the Robinsons.] of this circumstance to swell the cry
u [Francis Windebank, the eldest against the Archbishop. Articles were
son of Sir Thomas Windebank, of presented to Parliament against Win-
Haines Hill, in the parish of Hurst, debank, Nov. 3, 1640, who managed to
Berks (see below). He was a college escape to France, where he died, Sept.
contemporary of the Archbishop, and 1, 1646. See an interesting note on
promoted afterwards by his means to the circumstances of his escape, in
be Secretary of State, (sec below, June Wood, F. 0. vol. i. pp. 290, 291.]
15,1632,) about which time he was v [See Diary, Sept. 23, 1641.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 155
Oct. 10. Sunday, I fell at night in passionem iliacam ; A.D. 1624.
which had almost put me into a fever. I continued
ill fourteen days 1 .
Oct. 13. Wednesday, I delivered up my answer about
Sutton s Hospital w .
Nov. 21. Sunday. I preached at Westminster.
Dec. 6. Monday, There was a referment made from his
Majesty to my Lord s G. of Cant. x , my Lords of
Durham y and Rochester 2 , and myself, to hear and
order a matter of difference in the church of Here
ford, concerning a Residentiaryship, and the Lec
turer s place ; which we that day ordered.
Dec. 13. Monday, I received letters from Brecknock : that
the saltpetre man was dead and buried the Sunday
before the messenger came. This saltpetre man
had digged in the college church for his work,
bearing too bold upon his commission. The news
of it came to me to London, about Novemb. 26.
14 I went to my L. Keep, and had a messenger sent
to bring him up, to answer that sacrilegious abuse.
He prevented his punishment by death.
Dec. 21. Tuesday, Fest. S. Thoma, Mr. Crumpton had set
out a book, called St. Aug. Summe a . His Majesty
found fault with divers passages in it. He was put
to recall some things in writing. He had dedicated
this book to my L. Duke of Buckingham. My L.
sent him to me to overlook the articles, in which he
had recalled and explained himself, that I might sec
whether it were well done, and fit to show the King.
This day Mr. Crumpton brought his papers to me.
Dec. 23. Thursday, I delivered these papers back to Mr.
Crumpton. The same day at York House, I gave
my L. Duke of Buckingham my answer, what
I thought of these papers. The same day I de-
1 [ I ... days. in marg.]
w [This is printed in vol. vi. from a R [S. Austin s Sums ; or, the Sum of
copy in the Lamb. MSS. in the Arch- S. Austin s Keligion, &c. Lond. 1625.
bishop s own hand ] The author, William Crumpton, Avas
x [Abbot.] at this time living at Little Kynbell,
> [Neilc.] in Bucks. (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii.
7 [Buckeridgc.] p. 23.)]
156 TflE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1624. livered my L. a little tract about Doctrinal Puri
tanism, in some ten heads, which his Grace had
spoken to me that I would draw for him, that he
might be acquainted with them.
Dec. 31. Friday, His Majesty sent for me, and delivered-
unto me Mr. Crumpton s papers, the second time,
(after I had read them over to himself,) and com
manded me to correct them, as they might pass in
the doctrine of the Church of England.
Jan. 3. Monday, I had made ready these papers., and
waited upon my L. Duke of Buckingham with
them ; and he brought me to the King. There
I was about an hour and a half, reading them,
and talking about them with his Majesty and my
L. Duke. After this, I went to visit my sister, who
lay then sick at London.
Jan. 5. Wednesday, My L. Duke of B. showed me two
letters of, &c. the falsehood of, &c. That day, as I
waited to speak with my L., Secretary Calvert fell in
speech with me about some differences between the
Greek and the Ro. Ch. b Then also, and there, a
young man, that took on him to be a Frenchman,
fell into discourse about the Church of England.
He grew at last earnest for the Ro. Ch. ; but Tibi
dabo claves, and Pasce oves, was all he said, save
that he would show this proposition in S. Aug. : Rom.
Ecclesia facta est caput omnium Ecclesiarum ab
instante mortis Christi. I believe he was a priest ;
but he wore a lock down to his shoulders. I heard
after, that he was a French gentleman.
Jan. 15. Saturday, The speech which I had with my L. D.
at Wallingford House. c
Jan. 21. Friday, The business of my L. Purbeck d , made
known unto me by my L. D.
b [George Calvert, then Secretary of the Duke of Buckingham, created
State, created the following February Viscount Purbeck, June ID, 1619. He
Baron Baltimore, in Ireland, About married Frances, the youngest daugh-
this time he became Romanist. His ter of Sir Edw. Coke and Lady Hatton.
son, Cecil Calvert, was the founder of The business was her adultery with
the colony of Maryland.] Sir Eobert Howard, which had just
c [On the site of the present Admi- corne to light, in consequence of the
ralty.] birth of a son.]
d [John Villiers, eldest brother of
OF AllCHBISIIOP LAUD. 157
Jan. 23. Sunday night l , the discourse which L. D. had A.D. 1624.
with me about witches and astrologers.
Jan. 25. Tuesday night,, I acquainted my L. D. with my
hard hap in my business with L. C. D. e ; for which
I had been so often blamed.
Jan. 28. Friday,, I took my leave of my L. D. His wish
that he had known K. L. sooner, but, &c.
Jan. 30. Sunday night, my dream of my Bl. Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ. One of the most comfortable
passages that ever I had in my life.
Feb. 12. Saturday, Mr. Thomas Atkinson f , S.Jo., Deacon 2 .
Feb. 13. Sunday, I preached at Westminster.
Mar. 5. Saturday, the High Commission sat first about
Sir R. H. &c.s
Mar. 6. Sunday, the first in Lent, I preached at the
Temple, at the reader s solemnity. The Duke of
Buckingham and divers other lords there.
Mar. 13. Sunday, second in Lent, I ordained Robert
Rockell Priest, Eleazar Duiikon h and Edward
Quaiies i Deacons. They were Masters of Arts of
Pembroke Hall in Cambridge.
An. 1625. An. 1625.
Mar. 27. Midlent Sunday, con- Midlent Sunday, I
cionem habui in aula preached at White-Hall,
regia vulgo dicta Whit-
Hall.
1 [ Sunday night. in marg.] 2 [ Feb. 12 ... Deacon. in marg.]
[Lord Charles Devon.] par. ii. p. 20.) During this time he
f [Proctor of the University, 1629. resided partly at Sau mur, and partly
(Wood, F. 0. vol. i. p. 450.) See fur- at Paris, and was one of the persons
ther mention of him in the account of who was selected in 1655 for conse-
King Charles s visit to Oxford in cration to the Episcopate. See Cla-
Laud s Chancellorship, p. 140.] rendon sState Papers, vol.iii. Append.
s [See a Letter from Sir T. Coven- p. ci. Oxford, 1786, and Evelyn s Diary,
try and Sir Eobert Heath to the Duke vol. i. p. 249. Lond. 1816. He was
of Buckingham, concerning the pro- brother to Edmund Duncon, who was
ceedings against Sir Robert Howard with George Herbert on his death-bed,
and Lady Purbeck for adultery and and to whom we are indebted for the
sorcery, 24th February, 1624. Good- publication of the " Country Pastor."
man s Court of King James, vol. ii. (See Barnabas Oley s Preface.)]
pp. 376378.] l [Scholar on Dr. Watts s Founda-
h [Chaplain to Bp. Neile, and Pre- tion. (Wilson s Merchant Tailors
bendary of Durham, ejected in the School, p. 558.)]
Great Rebellion. (Walker s Sufferings,
158
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1625. Mar. 27. Turbatus et tristissi-
mis temporibus ascendi
suggestum, rumoribus
turn prsevalentibus Re-
gem serenissimum Jaco-
bum, et sacratissimse
mihi memorise, mortuum
esse. Avocatus doloribus
Duels Buckinghamise,
sermonem abrupi medio.
Mortuus est RexTheo-
baldi, quum tempus nu-
merasset tres quartas
ultra boram uudecimam
antemeridianam, religio-
sissime et constantissima
fide intrepidus emisit
animam beatam j .
Eo die horam circiter
quintain, proclamatione
Carolus Princeps, quod
faustum foelixque sit, Rex
promulgatur.
JEgrotare incoepit Rex,
Mar. 4, dieVeneris. Mor-
bus, qui apparuit tertiana
febris, Sed vereor reper-
cussam medicinis a pedi-
I ascended tbe pulpit,
mucb troubled, and in
a very melancholy mo
ment, the report then
spreading that his Ma
jesty King James, of
most sacred memory to
me, was dead. Being
interrupted with the
dolours of the Duke
of Buckingham, I broke
off my sermon in the
middle.
The King died at
Theobald s, about three
quarters of an hour past
eleven in the forenoon.
He breathed forth his
blessed soul most reli
giously, and with great
constancy of faith and
courage.
That day, about five
o clock, Prince Charles
was solemnly proclaimed
King. God grant to him
a prosperous and happy
reign.
The King fell sick,
March 4, on Friday. The
disease appeared to be a
tertian ague. But I fear
it was the gout, which
J [See Bp. Williams s account of the
King s last sickness and death, in the
Sermon preached at his Funeral. He
specifies particularly the King s earnest
desire to receive absolution, and his
belief in the power of the Clergy of the
English Church to confer it. Sir Wil
liam Paddy, his Majesty s physician,
has recorded a memorandum of his last
visit to the King, and of the prayers
used by the Bishop in a folio Book of
Common Prayer, bequeathed by him
to St. John s College, Oxford. Bishop
Andrewes, whose attendance the King
earnestly called for, was unable to be
present, by reason of his own illness.
See Nichols s Progresses, vol. iii. pp.
10291032.]
OF AIICHBISHOP LAUD.
159
bus ad interiora poda-
gram.
Apr. 1. Die Veneris, accepi
literas a Comite Pem-
brochise, Camerario Re-
gio, in iis mandatum
sereniss. Re. Caroli de
concione per me habenda
in Comitiis Parlamenta-
riis coram ipso et pro-
ceribus regni, Maii 17,
proxime futuro k .
Apr. 3. Die Solis, dedi in ma-
nus Ducis Bucking-
hamise, Annotationes
breves in Vitam et Mor
tem augustissimi Regis
Jacobi ; quas jussit ut
describerem l .
Apr. 5. Die Martis, schedu-
lam exhibui, in qua 110-
mina erant virorum Ec-
clesiasticorum sub literis
O. et P. Nomina ut sic
digererem jussit ipse Dux
Buckinghamise, traditu-
rus ea (ut dixit) Regi
Carolo.
Apr. 9. Die Sabbati, mihi om
nibus nominibus colen-
dissimus Dux Bucking -
k [See below, June 19.]
by the wrong application A.D. 1625.
of medicines was driven
from his feet to his in
ward vital parts.
Friday, I received let
ters from the Earl of
Pembroke, Lord Cham
berlain to the King, and
therein a command from
his Maj esty King Charles,
to preach a sermon be
fore himself and the
House of Peers in the
session of Parliament to
be held on the 17 day of
May next following.
Sunday. I delivered
into the Duke of Buck
ingham s hands my short
Annotations upon the
Life and Death of the
most august King James,
which he had com
manded me to put in
writing.
Tuesday, I exhibited a
schedule, in which were
wrote the names of many
Churchmen, marked with
the letters O. and P. The
Duke of Buckingham
had commanded to di
gest their names in that
method ; that (as himself
said) he might deliver
them to King Charles.
Saturday, the Duke of
Buckingham, whom upon
all accounts I am bound
1 [Published in vol. vi.]
160
THE DIARY OF THE LIEE
. 1625. April 9. hamise certiorera me
fecit : aliquem ex nescio
qua invidia nomen meum
denigrasse apud serenis-
simam Majestatem Ca-
roli. Causa arrepta ex
errore, in quern nescio
quo fato olim in causa
Caroli Comitis Devonise,
Decemb. 26, 1605, in-
cidi 1 .
Eodem die in mandatis
accepi, ut Reverendurn
EpiscopumWintou. m adi-
rem, et quid velit in causa
Ecclesise sciscitarer; re-
sponsumque referrem,
prsecipue in Quinque
Articulis, &c.
Apr. 10. Die Solis post concio-
nem finitam adii Episco-
pum, qui tum in camera
sua in aula regia erat n .
Protuli quse accepi in
mandatis. Responsum
dedit. Simul inde in-
visi , ut preces in Domo
Somersetensi audituri.
Audimus. Postea ibi in-
for ever to honour, sig
nified to me that a certain
person, moved through
I know not what envy,
had blackened my name
with his Majesty King
Charles, laying hold for
that purpose of the error
into which, by I know
not what fate, I had
formerly fallen in the
business of Charles Earl
of Devonshire, 1605, De
cemb. 26.
The same day I re
ceived in command to go
to the Eight Reverend
the Bishop of Winches
ter, and learn from him
what he would have
done in the cause of the
Church, and bring back
his answer, especially in
the matter of the Five
Articles, &c.
Sunday, after sermon
was done, I went to the
Bishop, who was then in
his chamber at court.
I acquainted him with
what I had received in
command. He gave to
me his answer. From
thence we went together
to hear prayers in Somer-
1 [The passage was originally written thus, but afterward? erased : Non
tarn lapsus, quam nescio quo fato ductus sum, suasus impulsu Comitis Devoniee,
Decemb. 26, 1605, sacramentum honoris sui non satis fideliter persecutus,
nescio quo fato. ]
m [Andrewes.] L. ivimus. H. W.
n [As Dean of the Chapel Royal.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
161
visimus corpus nupemmi
Regis Jacobi, quod ibi
expectabat adhuc diem
funeris.
April 13. Die Mercurii, retuli
ad Ducem Buck, quid
respondent Episcopus
Winton.
Eodem tempore cer-
tiorem me fecit de Cle-
rico, qui Regi erat a
Conclavi, Venerando Ep.
D.P quid statuerat Re., et
de successore.
April 1 7. Die Paschatis, segro-
tante Episcopo Dun elm.
assignatus fui (sed peti-
tione dicti Episcopi) ab
lllustr. Comite Pembr.
Domi Camerario, ut iii-
servirem Regiae Ma. loco
Clerici a Conclavi ; quod
munus prsestiti ad Maii
primum.
April 23. Burton q scriptum tra-
didit Regi ! .
set House. Having heard AD. 1025.
prayers, we afterwards
saw there the body of the
late King James, which
rested there till the day
of his funeral rites.
Wednesday, I brought
back to the Duke of
Buckingham the answer
of the Bishop of Win
chester.
At the same time the
Duke made known to me
what the King had de
termined concerning his
Clerk of the Closet,
the Right Reverend the
Bishop of Durham, and
about his successor in
that office.
Easter-day, the Bishop
of Durham being sick,
I was appointed (but at
the desire of the said
Bishop) by the Right
Honourable the Earl of
Pembroke, Lord Cham
berlain of the Household,
to wait upon his Majesty
in the quality of Clerk
of the Closet; which
place I executed till the
first of May.
Burton presented his
paper to the King.
[Inserted afterwards.]
P [Rich. Neile.]
i [Henry Burton had been Clerk of
the Closet to Prince Henry and to
Prince Charles. He expected to have
been continued in office on the ac
cession of the latter to the throne.
The paper here mentioned was a
letter pointing out to the King " how
popishly affected were Dr. Neile and
Dr. Laud, his continual attendants."
LAUD. VOL. in.
162
THE DIAKY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1625. Mail 1. Conjugium celebratum
Parisiis, inter Reg. sere-
niss. Carolum, et in-
signissimam Heroinam
Henriettam Mariam Gal-
lise, Henrici Quart! fi-
liam 1 .
Mail 7. Die Saturni, funus du-
cimus Jacobi Regis.
Maii 11. Die Mercurii, primo
mane Dux Buck, versus
mare se transtulit ; ob-
viam iturus Reginae
Marise in Galliam s .
Dedi ad Ducem eo die
literas, sed quse prope-
rantem sequerentur.
Maii 17. Parliamentum rejec-
tum est in Maii ult. 1
Maii 18. Iter brevius suscepi
cum fratre meo ad vicum
Hammersmith ; visurus
ibi communes amicos.
Dies erat Mercurii.
Maii 19. Die Jovis, literas se-
cundas misi ad Ducem
Buck., turn paulisper
morantem Parisiis.
The marriage was cele
brated at Paris between
his Majesty King Charles
and the most illustrious
Princess Henrietta Maria
of France, daughter of
Henry IV.
Saturday, we celebrat
ed the funeral of King
James.
Early in the morning
the Duke of Buckingham
went towards the sea
side, to pass over into
France to meet Queen
Mary.
I wrote letters to the
Duke that day, which
might follow after him.
For he went in great
haste.
The Parliament was
put off till the last day
of May.
I took a short journey
with my brother to Ham
mersmith, that we might
there see our common
friends. It was Wed
nesday.
Thursday, I sent let
ters the second time to
the Duke of Bucking
ham, then staying for a
while at Paris.
[Inserted afterwards.]
(Wood, F. 0. i. 349.) Burton s subse
quent history will be noticed at length
in vol. vi.]
r [The Duke de Chevereux acted as
proxy for the King.]
[See the comments of Prynne on
this and other passages in the Diary
relating to the French match, Cant.
Doom, p. 417.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
163
Mail 29. Die Soils, literas ter-
tias dedi in manus Epi-
scopi Dunelm. : qui cum
Rege iturus, traderet eas
Duci Buck, ad littus ap-
plicanti.
Maii 30. Die Lunse, Chelsey*
profectus sum ad Ducis-
sam Buckinghamiae.
Maii 31. Die Martis, Parlia-
mentum secundo expec-
tat initium Junii 13, die
Lunse.
Carolus Rex versus Do-
roberniam iter suscepit,
obviam iturus Reginse.
Junii 5. Die Pentecostes, mane
instanter iturus ad sacra,
literse e Gallia a Duce
clariss. Buckinghamise,
in manus meas se dedere.
Junii 6. Responsum dedi au
rora proxima. Post da
tum responsum, Episco-
pus venerabilis L. Will-
ton., et ego simul profi-
ciscimur ad sedes Tuscu-
lanas,quas juxta Bromlye
possidet Job. Roffensis.
Prandemus, redimus ves-
peri.
Junii 8. Die Mercurii Chelsey
profectus sum ; sed frus-
tratus redii.
4 [The King, in 1627, granted Buck
ingham the old residence of Sir Th.
More, at Chelsea, afterwards called
Sunday, I gave a third A.D. 1625.
letter into the hands of
the Bishop of Durham,
who was to attend the
King, that he might de
liver them to the Duke
of Buckingham at his
first landing.
Monday, I went to
Chelsey, to wait upon
the Duchess of Bucking
ham.
Tuesday, the Parlia
ment was a second time
put off, till Monday the
13th of June.
King Charles set for
ward toward Canterbury,
to meet the Queen.
Whitsunday, in the
morning, just as I was
going to prayers, I receiv
ed letters from France,
from the most illustrious
Duke of Buckingham.
I wrote an answer
next morning. After I had
finished my answer, the
Right Reverend Lancelot
Lord Bishop of Winches
ter and I went together to
the country house, which
John Lord Bishop of
Rochester hath by Brom
ley. We dined there, and
returned in the evening.
Wednesday, I went to
Chelsey, but returned
with my labour lost.
Beaufort House. See Cunningham s
Hand-Book.J
M 2
164
THE DIARY OP THE LIFE
A.D. 1625. Junii 12. Die Soils, Sanctre Tri-
nitatis dies fuit 1 , Regina
Maria maria pertrans-
iens, ad littus nostrum
appulit circiter horam 7.
vespertinam. Det Deus,
ut hespera sit et felix
stella orbi nostro.
Junii 13. Die Lunse,, Parliamen-
tum iterum expectans
Regem, reeedit in diem
Sabbati, Junii .i. 18,
Junii 16. Die Jovis, Rex et Re-
gina Londinum vene-
runt. Salutaveruntaulam
ad horam quint am. Dies
erat tristior, et nubi-
bus operta. Quum jam
ad Turrim Londinensem
pervenerunt (nam aqua
usi sunt pro curru) et
eduxit Rex Reginam in
exteriora cimbse, ut vide-
ret et populum et urbem ;
magnus e coslo cecidit
imber, qui utrumque
coegit in interiores re-
cessus. Duravit imber,
usque dum intrassent
aulam, finemque accepit.
Junii 18, Dies Sabbati erat. Ini-
tium dedit primo sub
serenissimo R. Carolo
Sunday, it was Trinity
Sunday, Queen Mary
crossing the seas, landed
upon our shore about
seven o clock in the
evening. God grant that
she may be an evening
and an happy star to our
orb.
Monday, the Parlia
ment waiting for the
King s coming, adjourn
ed again till Saturday,
the 18th of June.
Thursday, the King
and Queen came to Lon
don. They arrived at
court at five o clock. It
was ill weather, and the
day cloudy. When they
came by the Tower of
London (for they came
by water instead of
coach) the King led out
the Queen to the outside
of the barge, that she
might see the people and
the city. But at the same
time, a violent shower of
rain falling down, forced
them both to return into
the inward part of the
barge. The shower con
tinued until they had
entered Whitehall, and
then ceased.
Saturday. The first
Parliament of King
Charles, which had been
1 [ Sanctco , . . fait, inserted afterwards.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
165
Jimii 18. Parliamento, toties di-
lato. Interfuere Dux de
Shiveruz 11 et alii nobiles
Gallic, episcopus etiam x ,
qui Reginse iriservivit.
Metu pestilentise, quse
turn coepit grassari, ab-
stinuit Rex a pom pa
illius diei ; ne populus in
multitudinem conflueret .
Et coiiciOj quse mihi im-
posita est habenda in
Cathedrali Westmonas-
teriensi, in initiandis illis
comitiis, rejecta est in
Junii 19. diem proximum, .i. Do-
minicam primam post
Trinitatem, quo die illam
habui in sacello Aulae
Regise, quse dicitur
Alba?.
Junii 20. Initium dedit Convo-
cationi.
Junii 24. Festum fuit S. Job.
Bap. Rexjussit Archiep.
Cant, cum sex aliis quos
nominavit episcopis con-
silium inire de jejunio
publico et precibus pub-
licis, ut Deus misereatur
nostri, dum grassari in-
ciperet pestilentia, et
coelum supra modum
nubilum minabatur fa-
so often put off, now be- A.D. 1625.
gan. There were pre
sent at the opening of it,
the Duke of Shiveruz,
with other French noble
men ; a bishop also, who
attended the Queen . For
fear of the pestilence,
which then began to be
very rife, the King
omitted the pomp usual
upon that day, lest the
great conflux of people
should be of ill conse
quence. And the ser
mon, which had been
imposed upon me to be
preached in Westminster
Abbey at the beginning
of this session, was put
off to the next day,
that is, to June 19, first
Sunday after Trinity, on
which day I preached in
the chapel at Whitehall.
The Convocation be
gan.
Was the Feast of St.
John Baptist. The King
commanded the Arch
bishop of Canterbury,
with six other bishops,
whom he then named,
to advise together con
cerning a public fast,
and a form of prayer, to
implore the Divine mercy,
now that the pestilence
11 [ Chevercux.]
x |Du Plessis, Bishop of Mcndc
(Sec note to Sermon iv.)]
y [This is Sermon iv.]
166
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
1625. Junii 24. mem ; et simul ut bearet
classem jam mare peti-
turam. Episcopi erant
Londinens. zl ,Dunelmen-
sis a , Winton. b , Norwicen-
sis c , RofFen. d , Meneveri-
sis e . Quod factum fuit f .
"V
Junii 25. Die Sabbati, Episcopi
simul omnes, qui turn
prsesentes eraut, intro-
ducti sunt, ut osculo
officii salutarent manus
Reginse Marise. Ilia nos
summa cum gratia ac-
cepit.
Julii 2. Die Sabbati, celebra-
tum est Jejunium ab
utraque Domo Parlia-
menti in exemplum to-
tius regni 2 .
Julii 3. Die Solis, in somnis
apparuit mihi sereniss.
Rex Jacobus. Vidi tan-
turn velociter prsetereun-
tem. Hilari vultu fuit
et sereno. In transitu
began to spread, and the
extraordinary wet wea
ther threatened a fa
mine; and also to beg the
Divine blessing upon the
fleet now ready to put to
sea. The bishops were
London, Durham, Win
chester, Norwich, Ro
chester, St. David s. This
was done.
Saturday, All the
bishops, who were then
in town, were introduced
together, that they might
wait upon Queen Mary,
and kiss her hand. She
received us very gra
ciously.
Saturday, the Fast was
kept by both Houses of
Parliament, to set an
example therein to the
whole kingdom.
Sunday, in my sleep
his Majesty King James
appeared to me. I saw
him only passing by
swiftly. He was of a
pleasant and serene
1 [* Lonclinens. inserted afterwards.]
2 [ Die .
. regni, inserted on opposite page.]
z [Montaigne.] a [Neile.]
b [Andrewes.] c [Harsnet.]
d [Buckeridge.] e [Laud.]
f [The prayers appeared under the
following title : " A forme of Common
Prayer, together with an order of
Fasting for the auerting of God s
heauy Visitation vpon many places
of this Kingdome, and for the draw
ing downe of his blessings vpon YS,
and our Armies by Sea and Land.
The Prayers are to be read euery
Wednesday during this Visitation.
Set foorth by His Maiesties Authority.
H Imprinted at London by Bonham
Norton and lohn Bill, Printers to
the Kings most Excellent Maiestie.
Anno 1625." See some of the Prayers
from this Form., above, pp. 98, 99.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
167
me vidit, annuit, subrisit,
et subito oculis meis
subductus.
7. Die Jovis, R. Mount,
inductus est in Domum
Parliament! inferiorem,
&c.s
9. Die Saturni, Placuit
sereniss. Regi Carolo,
intimare Domui illi, sibi
non placere, quse deMon-
tacutio dicta ibi vel sta-
tuta fuere se inconsulto.
Die Lunre, Parlia-
mentum translatum est
Oxon., in diem primum
Augusti h .
Die Mercurii, quum
mortui sint Londini
priori septimana 1222,
profectus sum rus in
domum amicissimi Fran.
Windebank. Iter mihi
eo facienti obviam casu
factus est Montacutius.
Primus fui, qui eum cer-
countenance. In passing A.D. 1625.
he saw me, beckoned
to me, smiled, and was
immediately withdrawn
from my sight.
Thursday, Richard
Montague was brought
into the Lower House
of Parliament, &c.
Saturday, it pleased
his Majesty King Charles
to intimate to the House
of Commons, that what
had been there said and
resolved, without consult
ing him, in Montague s
cause, was not pleasing
to him.
Monday, The Parlia
ment was prorogued to
Oxford, against the first
day of August.
Wednesday, there hav
ing died in the former
week at London 1222
persons, I went into the
country, to the house of
my good friend Francis
Windebank. In going
thither, Richard Mon
tague met me by chance.
[Montague had made himself
obnoxious to the Puritans by the
opinions he had broached in his
" New Gagg for an old Goose ;" and
maintained more strongly in his
"Appello Caesarem," against his op
ponents Yates and Ward, two lecturers
of Ipswich, who assailed the former
volume. For these opinions he was
cited before the House, committed to
the custody of the Sergeant-at-arms,
and required to find bail of 2,000?.
for his appearance next session. He
was released from prison on the royal
interference; but it appears from a
letter addressed by him to Bucking
ham, (MSS. Harl. 7000. Art. 106,)
that the bond for his reappearance
was not cancelled. On the 2d of
August, a letter was addressed to the
King in his favour, by the Bishops
of Rochester (Buckeridge), Oxford
(Howson), and St. David s (Laud),
which is given in Heylin, Cypr. Angl.
pp. 131, 132. The proceedings after
wards taken against him are noticed
below.]
h [The Proclamation in Kymer,
(Feed. VIII. i. p. 108,) is dated July
12.]
168
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 16 2 5. tiorem feci de Regis erga
ipsum gratia, &c.
Julii 15. Die Veneris, Profectus
sum Windlesoriam ; ne-
gotia qusedam mihi a
vene. Episcopo Dunelm.
commissa peregi. Redii
ea nocte. Curia turn ibi.
Julii 17. Die solis, iterum Win
dlesoriam invisi. Regi
inter prandendum asti-
ti. Philosophica quse-
dam discussa. Prandi-
um postea in domo Epi-
scopi Glocestrensis i eo-
medi. Interfuit ibi Baro
Vaughan k cum filio natu
maximo. Proximo die
unus e servis Episcopi,
qui mensae astitit, peste
correptus est. Mihi csete-
risque faveat Deus. Ea
nocte redii, subito clau-
dus, nescio quo humore
in crus sinistrum de-
lapso. Aut, ut existi-
mavit 11. An., ex morsu
cimicum. Convalui intra
bid num.
[Godfrey Goodman, residing on
his Canonry of Windsor, which he
was allowed to hold in commendam.
He vfiiK afterwards deprived for re
fusing to sign the Canons of 1640 ,
and died in the communion of the
Church of Home. (Wood, Ath. Ox.
I was the first who cer
tified him of the King s
favour to him.
Friday, I went to
Windsor; and performed
some business committed
to my trust by the Right
Reverend Bishop of Dur
ham. I returned that
night. The Court was
there at that time.
Sunday, I went again
to Windsor. I stood by
the King at dinner time.
Some matters of philo
sophy were the subject
of discourse. I dined.
Afterwards I eat in the
house of the Bishop
of Gloucester. Baron
Vaughan was there pre
sent, with his eldest son.
The next day one of the
Bishop s servants, who
had waited at table, was
seized with the plague.
God be merciful to me
and the rest. That night
I returned, being become
lame on the sudden,
through I know not
what humour falling
down upon my left leg,
or (as R, An. thought)
by the biting of bags 1 . I
grew well within two days .
vol. ii. pp. 863, 864.)]
k [John Vaughan, of Golden
Grove, Carmarthenshire, created Lord
Vaughan in 1620, and Earl of Car-
berry, 1628. His son Richard was
Jeremy Taylor s patron,]
1 Al. chinches. H. W.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
169
Julii 20. Die Mercurii, Jeju-
nium publicum per to-
tam Angliam m .
Concionem ego habui
in parochia de Hurst 11 ,
ubi cum Magistro Win-
Wednesday, A public A.D. 1025
fast was held throughout
all England.
I preached in the
parish of Hurst ; where
I then abode with Master
debanke commoratus Windebanke.
sum.
Julii 21. Die Jovis, Invisi Rich.
Harrison militem, et
redii.
Julii. 24. Die Solis, Conciona-
tus sum in parochia de
Hurst.
Julii 29. Die Veneris, Oxonium
ingressus sum.
Julii 31. Die Solis, In triclinio
hospitii Presidentis Col-
legii D. Joh. Bapt.
Oxon. nescio quomodo
cecidi ; et laesum retuli
humerum sinistrum et
coxendicem.
Aug. 1. Die Lunse, incoepit
Parliamentum Oxonii,
Statim fere magnus im
petus fuit in Ducem
Buckinghamise.
Aug. 12. Die Veneris, solutum
est Parliamentum : po-
pulo non satis auscul-
tante Regis propositis.
Aug. 15. Relapsus meus ; nun-
quam infirmior, teste M.
Dies erat Lunse. Eodem
Thursday, I visited Sir
Richard Harrison, and
returned.
Sunday, I preached in
the parish of Hurst.
Friday, I entered into
Oxford.
Sunday, I fell down,
I know not how, in the
parlour of the President s
lodging at St. John s Col
lege, and hurt my left
shoulder and hip.
Monday, The Parlia
ment began at Oxford.
Presently after the be
ginning of it, a great
assault was made against
the Duke of Bucking
ham.
Friday, The Parlia
ment was dissolved : the
Commons not hearken
ing, as was expected, to
the King s proposals.
My relapse ; I never
was weaker, in the j udg-
ment of the physician.
1 [See the Proclamation for this Fast,
uior, Feed. VIII. i. pp. 103, 104.]
1 [The Incumbent appears, from the
Register of the Dean of Sarum, to have
been Ryley.]
[William Juxon.]
170
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1625. die iter suscepi versus
Walliam.
Aug. 21. Die Solis. Concionatus
sum Brecon, ubi per
biduum transigendis ne-
gotiis intentus commo-
ratus sum.
Ea nocte in somnis
visus est mini Dux Buck-
ingliamise in lectum
meum ascend ere ; ubi
multo erga me amore se
gessit, post illam quie-
tem qua fessi admodum
solent gaudere. Et visi
etiam sunt mini multi
cubiculum intrare, qui
hoc videbant.
Non multis diebus
antea in somnis visus
sum videre Ducissam
Buck., egregiam illam
dominam, primo per-
plexam satis circa mari-
tum, sed postea hilarem
et gaudentem, quod
metu abortionis liberata
sit, ut debito tempore
possit iterum esse mater.
Aug. 24. Dies erat Mercurii, et
Festum St. Bartholomsei,
in sedes proprias apud
Aberguillye tutus (Deo
gratise) perveni. Quum
tarn en bis eo die inter
Aber-Markes et domum
It was Monday. The
same day I began my
journey towards Wales.
Sunday. I preached
at Brecknock ; where I
stayed two days., very
busy in performing some
business.
That night, in my
sleep, it seemed to me
that the Duke of Buck
ingham came into bed to
me; where he behaved
himself with great kind
ness towards me, after
that rest, wherewith
wearied persons are wont
to solace themselves.
Many also seemed to me
to enter the chamber,
who saw this.
Not long before, I
dreamed that I saw the
Duchess of Buckingham,
that excellent lady, at
first very much perplexed
about her husband, but
afterwards cheerful, and
rejoicing that she was
freed from the fear of
abortion, so that in due
time she might be again
a mother.
Wednesday, and the
Festival of St. Bartho
lomew, I came safely
(thanks be to God) to
my own house at Aber-
guilly. Although my
coach had been twice
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
171
meam eversus sit currus
meus. Prima vice ego in
eo fui; posteriore vero
vacuus fuit.
Aug. 28. Dies erat Solis, Con-
secravi capellam sive ora-
torium propriis sumpti-
bus exstructum in domo
mea communiter vocat.
Aberguillye House.
Nomen indidi, Capella
S. Joh. Baptistse, in gra-
tam memoriam Collegii
S. Joli. Bapt. Oxon. cu-
jus primo Socius, et dein
Prseses fui. Et hoc con-
sulto feci. Intervenit
autem aliud, non mali
ominis spero, de quo
nunquam cogitavi. Hoc
fuit. Die Sabbati, ves-
peri immediate prsece-
dente Consecrationem
celebrandam, dum pre-
cibus eram intentus ;
nescio qui violenter in
mentem meam irruit
adesse diem decollatio-
nis S. Joh. Bap. Finitis
precibus fasta consului.
Reperio diem ilium in
diem Lunse, 29 scilicet
Augusti, non in diem
Solis incidere. Optassem
diem ipsum ; sed gravi-
sus sum, me Consecra
tionem solennem per-
acturum vigilia saltern
that day overturned be- A.D. 1625.
tween Aber-Markes and
my house. The first
time I was in it; but
the latter time it was
empty.
Sunday, I consecrated
the chapel, or oratory,
which I had built at my
own charge in my house,
commonly called Aber-
guilly House.
I named it the Chapel
of St. John Baptist, in
grateful remembrance of
St. John Baptist s Col
lege in Oxford, of which
I had been first Fellow,
and afterwards Presi
dent. And this I had
determined to do. But
another thing intervened
(of no ill omen, as I
hope) of which I had
never thought. It was
this : On Saturday, the
evening immediately pre
ceding the Consecra
tion, while I was intent
at prayer, I knew not
how, it caine strongly
into my mind, that the
day of the beheading of
St. John Baptist was
very near. When prayers
were finished, I con
sulted the calendar. I
found that day to fall
upon Monday, to wit,
the 29th of August, not
172
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1625. Aug. 28. illius diei. Nam ilia die
serenissimus Rex Jaco
bus causam meam circa
election em in Prsesi-
dentem Collegii S. Joh.
Bapt. Oxon. per tres in-
tegras horas ad mini
mum audivit, et me e
manu inimicorum poten-
tum justissime liberavitP.
Sept. 4. Die Solis. Nocte se-
quente valde turbatus
sum per insomnia. To-
tum me temiit Dux
Buckinghamise, servi et
familia ejus; non satis
ordinata omnia. Ducissa
male se habens, evocat
ancillas, et lectum petit.
Det Deus meliora.
Sept. 11. Die Solis, concionem
habui apud Carmarthen,
Judicibus turn prsesenti-
bus. Eadem nocte som-
niavi quod Dr. Theod.
upon Sunday. I could
have wished it had fallen
upon that same day,
when I consecrated the
chapel. However, I was
pleased that I should
perform that solemn
consecration at least on
the eve of that festival.
For upon that day, his
Majesty King James
heard my cause about
the election to the Pre
sidentship of St. John s
College in Oxford, for
three hours together at
least ; and with great
justice delivered me out
of the hands of my
powerful enemies.
Sunday. The night
following I was very
much troubled in my
dreams. My imagination
ran altogether upon the
Duke of Buckingham, his
servants, and family. All
seemed to be out of
order : that the Duchess
was ill, called for her
maids, and took her
bed. God grant better
things.
Sunday, I preached at
Carmarthen, the Judges
being then present. The
same night I dreamed
that Dr. Theodore Price
P [Sec Prynne s comment on tliis where the deed of consecration is
passage, Cant. Doom, pp. 120, 121, also given.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
173
Sept. 11. Priceusi monuit me de
Ma. 3, et quod erga me
infidus fuit, et patefecit
omnia, quse novit : et ut
ideo caverem, neque am-
plius, &c.
Postea de Sack. Croe r ,
quod peste mortuus esset,
quum non diu [ante ] ]
cum Rege fuisset.
Sept. 24. Ordines sacros solus
unus a me petiit : exami
nation! undique impar.
Sept. 25. Cum exhortatione non
ordinatum dimisi. Dies
erat Sabbati.
Sept. 26. Die Solis. Ea nocte
somniavi de nuptiis,
nescio cujus Oxon. Om-
nes qui aderant, vesti-
bus viridioribus florentes.
Neminem novi prseter
Tho. Flaxnye. Statim
post sine interjecta vi-
gilia (quantum novi) visus
est mini Episcopus Wi-
gorn.. capite et cervicibus
linteis obductus. Suasit
admonished me concern- A D. 1025.
ing Ma. 3, and that he
was unfaithful to me, and
discovered all he knew :
and that I should there
fore take heed of him,
and trust him no more,
&c.
Afterwards, I dream
ed of Sackville Crow,
that he was dead of the
plague, having not long
before been with the
King.
One only person de
sired to receive holy
orders from me, and he
found to be unfit, upon
examination.
I sent him away with
an exhortation, not or
dained. It was then
Saturday.
Sunday. That night
I dreamed of the mar
riage of I know not
whom at Oxford. All
that were present were
clothed with flourishing
green garments. I knew
none of them but Thomas
Elaxnye. Immediately
after, without any inter
mission of sleep (that
I know of); I thought I
1 [ post erased.]
i [See above, p. 138, note l .]
r [Sackville Crowe, one of the Gen
tlemen of the Bedchamber. He was
created a baronet July 8, 1627, and
appointed, April 9, 1634, special am
bassador to the Porte, to negotiate a
treaty of commerce. See Rymer,
Fcedera, VIII. iv. pp. 68, 69.]
174
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
.i). 1625. Sept. 26. mihi amice, ut cum illis
habitarem ; design ando
locum ubi Curia Marchi-
onatus Wallise turn tene-
batur; sed (responsione
mea non expectata *) re-
spondit ipse, se scire me
non potuisse tarn exiliter
vivere, &c.
Oct. 8. Die Sabbati, rediit e
Wallia Comes. North. 3
Prseses Wallise, itinere
per mare suscepto.
Oct. 9. Die Solis, concionatus
sum apud Carmarthen.
Oct. 10. Die Lunse, equo vec-
tusmontes petii: dies erat
pro tempore anni sere-
nissimus, et adeo tempe-
ratus, ut redeuns pran-
dium sumpsimus et ego
et qui mecum erant sub
dio, in loco dicto Pente
Cragg, ubi registrarius
rusticabatur.
Oct. 30. Die Solis, Sr. Thorn.
Coventrey* made Lord
Keep 2 .
Nov. 11. Dies erat Veneris, iter
saw the Bishop of Wor
cester his head and
shoulders covered with
linen. He advised and
invited me kindly to
dwell with them, marking
out a place where the
Court of the Marches of
Wales was then held.
But not staying for my
answer, he subjoined,
that he knew I could
not live so meanly, &c.
Saturday, the Earl of
Northampton, President
of Wales, returned out
of Wales, taking his
journey by sea.
Sunday, I preached at
Carmarthen,
Monday, I went on
horseback up to the
mountains. It was a very
bright day for the time
of year, and so warm that
on our return I and my
company dined in the!
open air, in a place called
Pente Cragg, where my
registrary had his coun
try house.
Sunday, Sir Thomas
Coventry made Lord
Keeper.
Friday, I began my
1 [Originally written sine responsione afterwards erased.]
2 [ Octob. 30 ... Keep. in marg.]
8 [William Compton, first Earl of
Northampton.]
e [On the deprivation of Bishop
Williams. He was afterwards created
Baron Coventry of Aylesborough ; died
Jan. 14, 1639-40. See his character
in Clarendon, Hist. Rebell. vol. i. pp.
80, 81.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
175
suscepi, rediturus in
Angliam.
| Nov. 17. Die Jovis, Carolus
filius Duels Bucking
ham!^ natus l .
Nov. 20. Die Solis, concionem
turn habui apud Home
Lacye in comitatu Here-
fordensi.
Nov. 24. Die Jovis, perveni ad
sedes amicissimi F. Win-
debank apud Hains Hill.
5 Ibi uxor amici mei (nam
ille eo tempore Aulicus)
statim a primo adventu
narravit, Duci Bucking-
hamise, turn apud Belgas
negotium regni agenti*,
natum esse filium : cui
Deus omnibus bonis cceli
et terrse benedicat.
Dec. 4. Die Solis, concionem
liabui apud Hurst. Ibi
ruri degebam ad festum
usque Nativitatis.
Dec. 14. Dies erat Mercurii,
Windlesoriam petii, sed
redii eodem die 2 .
1 [ Nov. 17. ... natus. interlined.]
journey to return into A.D. 1625.
England.
Thursday, Charles, the
Duke of Buckingham s
son, was born u .
Sunday, I preached
at Home Lacye in Here
fordshire x .
Thursday, I came to
the house of my great
friend, Fr. Windebank.
There the wife of my
friend (for himself was
then at Court), immedi
ately as soon as I came,
told me that the Duke of
Buckingham (then nego
tiating for the public in
the Low Countries) had
a son born ; whom God
bless with all the good
things of heaven and
earth.
Sunday, I preached at
Hurst. I stayed there in
the country until Christ
mas.
Wednesday, I went
to Windsor, but returned
the same day z .
8 [ Dec. 14 . . . die. interlined.]
u [See Laud s Letter of Congratu
lation, in vol. vi.]
x [The seat of Sir John Scudamore,
afterwards Viscount Scudamore of
Sligo, in Ireland, and ambassador to
France. He was a great benefactor
to the ejected clergy.]
y [He was employed in the sale of
the King s jewels, to assist the King of
Denmark. See a letter of Sir Arthur
Ingram to Sir T. Wentworth, Nov. 7.
1625. Strafforde s State Papers, vol. i.
p. 28. Lond. 1739. The warrant for
the delivery of the jewels is in Rymer
Feed. VIII. i. p. 167.]
z [He went to Windsor in the hope
of meeting the Duke of Buckingham,
but was disappointed. See his letter
to the Duke. There is, probably, some
mistake in the date, (the entry being
interlined,) as the letter of congratula
tion is dated Windsor, December 13.]
176
THE DIATIY OF THE LIFE
AD. 1625. Dec. 25. Concionem liabui apucl
Hurst die Soils, in festis
Domini Natalitiis.
Dec. 31. Die Sabbati, ad aulam
regiam profectus sum
(quse erat turn Hamp-
tonise) ; ibi,
Jan. 1. Die Solis, accepi me
inter alios episcopos no-
minatura, ut die Mercurii
sequente apud aulam
Whitehall dictam, con-
silium ineamus de cere-
moniis coronationis. Ac
cepi simul legatum ex-
traordiiiarium Gallorum
destinatum esse, ut in
maxima parte sedium
Dunelmensis Episcopi
resideret.
Jan. 2. Die Lunge, reversus
sum ad Hains Hill. Ibi
eiiim, horum negotiorum
nescius, chartas neces-
sarias una curn cistula
post reliqui. Has quum
aptaverim, ad gedes me
contuli Ei. Harrison mi-
litis ; ut valedicerem
amicis. Ibi primum quid
de me senserit F. H.
ni fallor, cognovi. Ipse
aperte dixi, quo animo
fui, &c. Redii.
Jan. 3. Die Martis, veni Lon-
dinum ad sedes proprias
Sunday, I preached at
Hurst upon Christmas
day-
Saturday, I went to
the Court, which was
then at Hampton Court.
There,
Sunday, I understood
that I was named among
other bishops, who were
to consult together on
Wednesday following at
Whitehall, concerning
the ceremonies of the
coronation. I was also
at the same time inform
ed that the bigger part
of the Bishop of Dur
ham s house was appoint
ed for the residence of
the ambassador extraor
dinary of the King of
France.
Monday, I returned to
Hains Hill. For there,
not then knowing any
thing of these matters,
I had left my necessary
papers with my trunk.
When I had put these
in order, I went to
Sir Richard Harrison s
house, to take leave of
my friends. There (if I
mistake not) I first knew
what F. H. thought of
me. I told my mind
plainly, &c. I returned.
Tuesday, I came to
London, and fixed my-
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
177
Jan. 3. Westmonasterii a . Nam
hebdomada ante Nata-
litia, misi servum, qui
mea omnia e domo amici
mei Epis. Dunelm. (quo-
cum ut hospes per totum
quadriennium vixi) ad
sedes proprias deferret,
praeter libros, quos male
distuli in adventum
meum. Cogebat enim
et legati Gallic! b adven-
tus, ut nimis properarem ;
et moles negotiorum op-
tavit libros ad manum.
Vesperi adii Ducem
Buckinghamiae.
Jan. 4. Die Mercurii, Conve-
nimus Aulse vulgo dictse
White-Hall, ad deliberan-
dum de cseremoniis Coro-
nationis. Misi servum,
qui libros adduceret : ad-
duxit. Ea nocte disposui
per musseum.
Nee dabatur mora.
Nam quum simul eramus
in deliberatione de csere-
moniis, exiit a Rege et
ad nos venit Comes Pern-
self at my own house at A.D. 1625.
Westminster. For the
week before Christmas
I had sent my servant,
who had brought all my
things out of the house
of my good friend the
Bishop of Durham (with
whom I had abode as a
guest for four years com
plete) to my own house,
save only my books, the
removal of which I un
advisedly put off till my
own coming. For the
coming of the French
ambassador forced me to
make over-much haste;
and the multitude of
business then laying up
on me made it requisite
that I should have my
books at hand. In the
evening I visited the
Duke of Buckingham.
Wednesday, We met
at White-Hall, to consult
of the ceremonies of the
Coronation. I sent my
servant to bring my
books, who brought
them. That night I
placed them in order in
my study. And it was
high time. For while
we were in consultation
about the ceremonies,
the Right Honourable
a [Belonging to his stall.]
LAUD. VOL. III.
b [The Marquis de Blainville.]
N
178
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1G25. Jan. 4. brochiensis, Regise Do-
nms Camerarius Hono-
ratissimus ; et nomine
Regis jussit me paratura
esse in Febr. sextum, ut
eo die in initio Parlia-
menti concionem habere
possim.
Jan.
Jan,
6. Die Veneris, dies erat
Epiphanias ; Convenimus
iterum de ca3remoniis, et
responsum damns Regi.
1 6.. Mandatum Regis mihi
exposuit Archiepiscopus
Cant., me supplere de-
bere in Coronatione fu-
tura vices Decani West-
monasterii. Nolle enim
Regem, ut Episcopus
Lincoln., turn Decanus,
iiiteresset crcremoniis.
Dies erat Lunas.
Eodem die consultum
est jussu Regis, quid in
causa Rich. Montacutii
agendum. Aderant Epi-
scopi Lond. d , Dunelm. 6 ,
Winton. f , Roffens.s, Me-
neven.
the Earl of Pembroke,
Lord Chamberlain of the
Household to his Ma
jesty, came from the
King to us, and delivered
to me the King s order,
to be ready against the
sixth day of February,
to preach that day at the
opening of the Parlia
ment.
Friday, Epiphany day,
We met again to consult
concerning the ceremo
nies, and gave up our
answer to the King.
The Archbishop of
Canterbury made known
to me the King s plea
sure, that at the Corona
tion I should supply the
place of the Dean oi
Westminster. For that
his Majesty would not
have the Bishop of Lin
coln, then Dean, to be
present at the cere
mony . It was then
Monday.
The same day, by the
King s command, a con
sultation was held, what
was to be done in the
cause of Richard Monta
gue. There were pre
sent, the Bishops of Lon-
c [Williams sent the King a list of
the prebendaries of Westminster, re
questing him to take his choice. He
escaped in this manner the annoyance
of appointing Laud, and the odium of
passing him over. See Heylin s Cypr
Angl. p. 148.]
Montaigne.] e [Neile.]
Andrewes.] [Buckeridge."
Laud.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
179
Jan, 17. Responsum per literas
dedimus, subscriptas Die
Martis. Hoc die etiam
Episcopus Lincoln, me
deputavit scriptis suis
sigillo munitis ad sup-
plendum vices suas, qua
Decanus erat Westmon.,
in coronatione Regis
Caroli 1 .
Jan. 18. Die Mercurii, Ad Re-
gem me adduxit Dux
Buckingh. Ostendi illi
Notulas, si quse offende-
rint, &c.
Eodem die jussu Re
gis Archiep. Cant, cum
Lond.,Dunelm.,Winton.,
Roffens., Meneven., con-
sulebant de Precum For
mula, ut gratias agamus
pro peste remissa.
Jan. 23. Libellum perfectum de
Cseremoniis Coronationis
paratum habui, per om-
nia cum libro regali. Dies
erat Lunse.
Jan. 29. Dies erat Solis, Intel-
don, Durham, Winches- A.D. 1625.
ter, Rochester, and St.
David s.
Tuesday, We gave in
our answer in writing,
subscribed this day. This
day also, the Bishop of
Lincoln deputed me un
der his hand and seal,
to supply the place for
him, which he, as Dean
of Westminster, was to
execute in the corona
tion of King Charles.
Wednesday, The Duke
of Buckingham brought
me to the King, to whom
1 showed my Notes, that
if he disliked anything
therein, &c.
The same day, by the
King s command, the
Archbishop of Cant,
and the Bishops of Lon
don, Durham, Winches
ter, Rochester, and St.
David s, consulted toge
ther concerning a Form
of Prayer, to give thanks
for the decrease of the
plague.
I had a perfect book
of the Ceremonies of the
Coronation made ready,
agreeing in all things
with the King s book.
It was Monday.
Sunday, I understood
1 [ Hoc . . . Caroli. inserted in opposite page.]
N2
180
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1625.. Jan. 29. lexi quid D. B. 1 colle-
git de causa, libro, et
opinionibus Rich. Mon-
tacutii, R. C. k apud se
statuisset. Videor videre
nubem surgentem et
minantem Ecclesise An-
glicanse. Dissipet pro
misericordia sua Deus.
Jan. 31. Dies erat Martis, Epi-
scopi, et alii Proceres
antea nominati a Rege ut
de cseremoniis Corona-
tionis consilium inirent,
ut mos antiquus obser-
varetur, Regis jussu ip-
sum adimus. Inspicit
Rex omnia regalia: in-
duit se tunicis S. Ed-
war di : jussit me legere
rubricas directivas. Om
nibus lectis, retulimus
regalia ad Ecclesiam
Westmon., et loco suo
condimus.
Feb. 2. Die Jovis et Purifica-
tionis B. V. Marise, coro-
natus est Rex Serenis-
simus Carolus. Ego
functus sum vice Decani
Westmon. Intravit Rex
ecclesiam, quum non-
what D. B. had col
lected concerning the
cause, book, and opi
nions of Richard .Mon
tague, and what R. C.
had determined with
himself therein. Me-
thinks I see a cloud
arising, and threatening
the Church of England.
God of His mercy dissi
pate it.
Tuesday, The bishops
and other peers before
nominated by the King
to consult of the cere
monies of the Corona
tion, that the ancient
manner might be ob
served, by his Majesty s
command went together
to him. The King viewed
all the regalia; put
on St. Edward s tunics ;
commanded me to read
the rubrics of direc
tion. All being read, we
carried back the regalia
to the Church of West
minster, and laid them
up in their place.
Thursday and Can
dlemas day, His Ma
jesty King Charles was
crowned. I then officiated
in the place of the Dean
of Westminster. The
King entered the Abbey
1 [Duke of Buckingham.]
k [King Charles.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
181
Feb. 2. dum sonuit hora decima;
et tertia prseteriit, ante-
quam exivit. Dies cla-
rissimo gaudebat sole.
Solemnibus finitis, in
Aula magna Westmon.,
quum tradidit mihi in
manus regalia, qiise in
Ecclesia B. Pet. West-
mon. servantur; de novo
dedit gladium cortanam
dictum, et duos alios, qui
coram Eege eo die defe-
rebantur, ut servarentur
cum reliquis insignibus
in ecclesia. Redii, et ad
altare solemniter obtuli
nomine Regis, et cum
aliis reposui.
Nihil in tanto negotio,
et frequentia populi in-
credibili, amissum, frac-
tum, turbatum nihil.
Pulpitum, sive scena, va
cuum, et expeditum
Regi, proceribus,et ne-
gotio ; et audivi comites
alloquentes Regem inter
redeundum, se nunquam
vidisse solennia, etiam
multo minora, tarn paci-
fica, tarn ordinata.
Church a little before A.D. 1625.
ten o clock ; and it was
past three before he went
out of it. It was a very
bright sunshining day.
The solemnity being
ended, in the great Hall
at Westminster, when
the King delivered into
my hands the regalia,
which are kept in the
Abbey Church of West
minster, he did (which
had not before been
done) deliver to me the
sword called curtana,
and two others, which
had been carried before
the King that day, to be
kept in the church, to
gether with the other
regalia. I returned, and
offered them solemnly at
the altar in the name of
the King, and laid them
up with the rest.
In so great a cere
mony, and amidst an
incredible concourse of
people, nothing was lost,
or broke, or disordered.
The theatre was clear,
and free for the King,
the peers, and the busi
ness in hand; and I
heard some of the no
bility saying to the King
in their return, that they
never had seen any so
lemnity, although much
182
THE DIARY OF THE LIEE
A.D. 1625.
Feb. 6. Lunse dies erat, Con-
cionem habui eoram
Rege Carolo, et Proce-
ribus Regni, in initio
Parlamenti *.
Feb. 11. Die Sabbati, Ad in-
stantiam Comitis War-
wicensis Colloquium m
fuit in causa Ri. Monta-
cutii in sedibus Ducis
Buckinghamise u , &c.
Feb. 17. Die Veneris, Collo
quium prsedictum se-
cundo habitum est, non
paucis proceribus regni
praesentibus, loco prse-
dicto.
Feb. 21. Dies erat Martis, et
Carnivaie : Misit D.
Buckingh., ut ad se veni-
rem. Turn in mandatis
mihi dedit, ut, &c.
Feb. 23. Die Jovis, Quresivi Du-
cem apud Chelsei. Ibi
primo vidi nuper natum
less, performed with so
little noise, and so great
order.
Monday, I preached
before King Charles and
the House of Peers, at
the opening of the Par
liament,
Saturday, At the de
sire of the Earl of
Warwick, a Conference
was held concerning the
cause of Richard Monta
gue, in the Duke of
Buckingham s house,
[between Dr. Morton
and Dr. Preston P on the
one side, and Dr. White 11
on the other. H. W.]
Friday, The foresaid
Conference was renewed,
in the same place, many
of the nobility being
present.
Shrove Tuesday, The
Duke of Buckingham
sent for me to come to
him ; and then gave me
in command, that, &c.
Thursday, I sought
the Duke at Chelsea.
There I first saw his sou
1 [See Sermon iii. This Sermon was
misplaced in the Collected Edition
of 1651. See preliminary note to
Sermon.]
111 An account of this Conference is
in my hands, but wrote very partially,
in favour of Dr. Preston and prejudice
of Dr. White. H. W.
[The reader who desires full in
formation on this subject, may consult
the account of this, and the following,
Conference, drawn up by Bishop Cosin,
who was present at them both. Co-
sin s Works, vol. ii.]
11 [York House.]
[Thomas Morton, then Bishop of
Lichfield, afterwards of Durham.]
P [John Preston, Master of Em-
manuel College, Cambridge.]
1 [See above, p. 139. note d .]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
183
heeredem ejus Carolum.
Ducem noil inveni. Re-
dii, domi inveni servum
ejus me quserentem.
Cum eo propero, et in
Aula invenio. Quid a
me factum narro.
Feb. 24. Die Veneris, et S.
Matthise, Cum eo fui in
sedibus suis per horas
fere tres, ubi sua manu,
&c. Aliquid ut adderem
jussit. Dicto obsequutus
Feb. 25. sum ; et proximo die at-
tuli.
Feb. 26. Dominica prima Quad.
Concionem, quam habui
in initio Parlamenti, Re-
gio mandate typis jam
excusam in manus Se-
renissimi Regis Caroli
dedi, vesperi.
Feb. 27. Die Lunse, Periculum
Regis Caroli ab equo,
qui fractis duobus ephip-
piorum cingulis, et ephip-
pio una cum sessore in
ventrem devoluto, tre-
mens constitit, donee
Rex salvus, &c.
Mar. 1. Dies erat Mercurii, et
and heir, Charles, lately A.D. 1625.
born. I found not the
Duke. Returning, I
found his servant, who
was seeking me. I went
immediately with him,
and found the Duke at
Court. I related to him
what I had done.
Friday, arid St. Mat
thias s day, I was with
the Duke in his own
house almost three
hours; where with his
own hand, &c. He com
manded me to add some
what. I did so, and
brought it to him next
day, Feb. 25.
First Sunday in Lent,
in the evening, I pre
sented to his Majesty
King Charles my ser
mon, which I had
preached at the opening
of the Parliament, being
now printed, by his Ma
jesty s command.
Monday, The danger
which happened to King
Charles from his horse ;
which having broken the
two girts of the saddle,
and the saddle together
with the rider fallen
under his belly, stood
trembling, until the
King, having received
no hurt, &c.
Wednesday, and the
184
THE DTARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1625. Mar. 1. Festum S. Davidis, Cla
mor incepit in Domo
Inferior! Parlamenti, no-
minatim contra Ducem
Buckinghamise ob mora-
tam navim dictam, The
St. Peter of Newhaven,
post sententiam latam r .
Perpetuse in Domo ilia
agitationes erant a die
illo.
Mar. 6. Resignavi Rectoriam
de Ibstock s , quara habui
in Commeridam 1 .
Mar. 11. Proposuit in Domo Dr.
Turner *, medicus, qua>
sita septem, vulgo dicta
qu&res, contra Ducem
Buck. u : non alio tamen
nixas fundamento, quam
quod ex fama quidem
publica, ut dixit, petiit.
Dies erat Saturni.
Mar. 16. Die Jovis, Proposuit
quid am e Belgia nomine
1 [ Resignavi . . . Commeudam. inserted in marg.]
Festival of S. David, a
clamour arose in the
House of Commons,
against the Duke of
Buckingham, more par
ticularly for stopping a
ship, called, The St. Pe
ter of Newhaven, after
sentence pronounced.
From that day there
were perpetual heats in
the House.
I resigned the Par
sonage of Ibstock, which
I held in Commendam.
Dr. Turner, a phy
sician, offered in the
House seven queries
against the Duke
of Buckingham ; yet
grounded upon no other
foundation than what
he received from public
fame, as himself con
fessed. It was then Sa
turday.
Thursday,; A certain
Dutchman, named John
r [This vessel had been captured by
English cruisers, under the supposi
tion that she belonged to the Spanish,
with whom we were then at war. The
Court of Admiralty decided that she
was a French ship, and thereupon
ordered her release. Buckingham, on
obtaining further evidence that she
was really a Spanish vessel, sailing
under French colours, ordered her
further detention. On the case being
taken again to the Court of Admiralty,
the vessel was released. This business
formed the fifth of the charges brought
shortly afterwards by the Commons
against Buckingham. See the Charge
and Buckingham s Defence in Rush-
worth s Collections, vol. i. pp. 309.
382384. The defence was written
by Laud. See History of Troubles,
chap. xlii. p. 400. in marg. The en
tries in the Diary on Feb. 21, 24, 25,
probably refer to this business.]
s [He was succeeded by Rich. Bay-
lie, (Rymer Feed. VIII. ii. p. 31,) who,
as appears from the register of Long
Whatton, married Elizabeth Robinson,
the Archbishop s niece, the 3d of
April following.]
I [Dr. Samuel Turner.]
II [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
i. p. 217.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
185
Mar. 16. Job. Oventrout se viam
ostensurum, qui Occi-
dentalis India excuteret
jugum Hispanise, et se
Regi nostro Carolo sub-
deret. Res refertur ape-
rienda Comiti de Totnes*,
Baroni Conway^ secre-
tario principal! : et quia
dixit stratagem a suum a
religione non minimas vi
res petit urum, adjungor
ego. Proposuit senex
quasdam de Arica capi-
enda : nee, qui capi po-
tuit, ullis argumentis
edocuit ; nisi quod velit
dividi incolarum animos
in causa religionis, im-
misso illic Catechismo
Hidelbergia3- Dimisimus
hominem; nee sapienti-
ores redimus.
Mar. 26.
Anno 1626.
Die Solis, Misit me ad
Oventrout, proposed to A.D. 1626.
show a way how the
West Indies might shake
off the yoke of Spain,
and put themselves un
der the subjection of our
King Charles. The mat
ter was referred to be
disclosed to the Earl
of Totnes, the Lord
Conway principal secre
tary ; and because he
said that his stratagem
did depend in a great
measure upon religion,
I was added to them.
The old man proposed
somewhat about the
taking of Arica; yet
showed not to us any
method, how it might
be taken; unless it were,
that he would have the
minds of the inhabitants
to be divided in the cause
of religion, by sending
in among them the Ca
techism of Heidelberg.
We dismissed the man,
and returned, not a whit
the wiser.
Anno 1626.
Sunday, D. B. sent
Regem D. B. z Ibi certi- me to the King. There
orem feci Regem de duo- I gave to the King an
bus negotiis, quas, &c. account of those two
x [Ge : orge Carew, who had held the June 4, 1605, and Earl of Totnes,
Presidentship of Munster during Des- Feb. 5, 1626 ; ol>. 1629.]
niond s rebellion, and several other
important offices, under Queen Eliza
beth. He was created Baron Carew,
[See above, p. 149, note z .]
[Duke of Buckingham.]
186
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1626. Gratias egit Rex Serenis-
simus.
Mar. 29. Rex Carolus utramque
Domum Paiiamenti al-
loquitur, prsecipue vero
Inferior em, et per se, et
per Honoratissirrmm Do-
minum Custodem Magni
Sigilli, in palatio de
White-Hall \ In multis
Domum Inferiorem re-
prehendit. Malta etiam
adjecit de Duce Buck-
in ghamiee^ &c. a
In Convocatione illo
die habita multa agitata
sunt de concione, quam
habuit Gabr. Goodman,
Episcopus Glocestr., co-
ram Rege die Solis proe-
cederite, Dom, 5. Qua-
dragesimse b .
Apri. 5. Die Mercurii, Mane
misit Rex, ut Episcopi
Norwicensis c , Lichfeld-
ensis d , et Meiievensis e
nosmetipsos coram siste-
remus. Adsumus ego et
Litchfeldensis : Norwi
censis rus abiit. Accipi-
mus man data Regis circa,
&c. Redimus,
1 [ in palatio de White-Hall.
businesse3,which,&c. His
Majesty thanked me.
King Charles spoke to
both Houses of Parlia
ment, (but directed his
speech chiefly to the
Lower House,) both by
himself, and by the
Right Honourable the
Lord Keeper of the
Great Seal, in the palace
at White-Hall. He also
added much concerning
the Duke of Bucking
ham, &c.
In the Convocation
held that day, there was
much debating concern
ing the sermon which Ga
briel Goodman, Bishop of
Gloucester, had preached
before the King on the
Sunday preceding, being
the fifth Sunday of Lent.
Wednesday, The King-
sent in the morning,
commanding the Bishops
of Norwich, Lichfield,
and St. David s to at
tend him. I and the
Bishop jf Lichfield wait
ed upon him, the Bishop
of Norwich being gone
into the country. We
inserted in marg.]
a [See Kush worth s Collections, vol.
i. p. 221. The speech was written by
Laud. See History of Troubles and
Trial, chap. xlii. p. 402. in marg.]
b [" The Bishop of Gloucester is
questioned in the Convocation for
preaching- Transubstantiation, or near
it, before the King." Jos. Mode to
Sir M, Stuteville. Birch s Court and
Times of Charles I. vol. i. p. 95.]
c [Samuel Harsnet.]
41 [Thomas Morton.]
e [Laud.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
187
April. 12. Die Mercurii, hor. 9.
ante meridiem, conveni-
mus Arch. Cant/, Epis-
copi Winton.s, Dunelm. 11
et Meneven. jussi a Rege
consulere de concione,
quam habuit cor am Ma-
j estate Regia Episcopus
Glocestrensis, Dr. Good
man, Dom. 5. Quadrag.
ultimo elapsa. Consuli-
mus; et responsum da-
mus Regi ; Qusedam mi
nus caute dicta, falso
nihil : nee innovatum
quidquam ab eo in Eccle-
sia Anglicana : optimum
fore, si iterum tempore
a seipso electo iterum
concionem haberet, et
ostenderet qui et in qui-
bus male acceptus intel-
lectusque fuit ab audito-
ribus.
Ea nocte post horam
nonam Regi reriuntiavi,
quse in mandatis accepi
die 5. April., et alia eo
received the King s com- A.D. 1626.
mands about, &c., and
returned.
Wednesday, at 9 in
the forenoon, we met
together, viz. the Arch
bishop of Canterbury,
the Bishops of Winches
ter, Durham, and St, Da
vid s; being commanded
by the King to consult
together concerning the
sermon which Dr. Good
man, the Bishop of Glou
cester, had preached be
fore his Majesty on the
5th Sunday in Lent last
past. We advised toge
ther and gave this answer
to the King : That some
things were therein
spoken less cautiously,
but nothing falsely ; that
nothing was innovated
by him in the doctrine
of the Church of Eng
land. That the best way
would be, that the Bishop
should preach the sermon
again, at some time to
be chosen by himself, and
should then show how
and wherein he was mis
understood by his audi
tors.
That night, after 9
o clock, I gave to the
King an account of what
I had received in com-
[George Abbot.]
[Lancelot Andrewes.]
[Richard Neile.]
188
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1626. April. 12. spectantia; inter csetera,
deimpropriationibus red-
dendis. Multa gratissi-
me Rex; ego quum prius
disserui de modo.
April. 14. In Febrem incidit Dux
Buckinghamise. Dieserat
Veneris.
April. 19. Die Mercurii, Petitio
Joh.Digbye Comitis Bris-
toliensis contra Ducem
Buckinghamise lecta est
in Domo Superior! Par-
lamenti : acris ilia, et quse
perniciem minatur alteri
partium \
April. 20. Die Veneris, Retulit
cognitionem totius nego-
tii et etiam petitionis
Comitis Bristolieiisis Do-
mui Parlamenti Rex Ca-
rolus.
April. 21. Dies erat Sabbati, Mi-
sit Dux Buckinghamius,
ut ad se venirem. Ibi
audivi, quid primicerius
Regius Dom. Joh. Cocus
contra me suggessit The-
saurario Anglise, et ille
Duci. Domine, miserere
servi Tui.
mand on the 5th of April,
and of other things re
lating thereto. Among
the rest, concerning re
storing impropriations.
The King spoke many
things very graciously
therein, after I had first
discoursed of the manner
of effecting it.
Friday, The Duke of
Buckingham fell into a
fever.
Wednesday, The peti
tion of John Digby, Earl
of Bristol, against the
Duke of Buckingham,
was read in the House
of Lords. It was very
sharp, and such as threat
ens ruin to one of the
parties.
Friday, King Charles
referred the cognisance
of that whole matter,
as also of the petition
of the Earl of Bristol,
to the House of Parlia
ment.
Saturday, The Duke of
Buckingham sent to me
to come to him. There
I first heard what Sir
John Cook, the King s
Secretary, had suggested
against me to the Lord
Treasurer, and he to the
Duke. Lord, be merciful
to me Thy servant.
[See Rush worth s Collections, vol. i. p. 237.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
189
April. 22. Die Solis, Misit Rex,
ut omnes Episcopi cum
ipso essemus, hora quarta
pomeridiana. Adsumus
14. numero. Reprehen-
dit, quod in causis Eccle-
sise hoc tempore Parla-
menti silemus, et iion
notum facimus ei, quid
utile vel inutile foret Ec-
clesiae ; se enim paratum
esse promovere causam
Ecclesise.
Deinde jussit, ut in
causis Bristoliensis et
Buckinghamise, conscien-
tia nostra duce, sequamur
tantum probationes, non
rumores.
April. 30. Die Solis, Concionem
habui apud White- Hall
coram Rege.
Maii 1. Lunse dies erat, Comes
Bristoliensis accusatur
Isesse majestatis in Par-
lamento k ab Atturnato
regio Roberto Heath
Milite 1 . Comes dictus Ar-
ticulos 12. exhibuit turn
et ibidem contra Ducem
Buckinghamise m , et ilium
ejusdem criminis reaccu-
sat : et alios Articulos
Sunday, The King sent A.D. 1626.
for all the Bishops to
come to him at 4 o clock
in the afternoon. We
waited upon him, 14 in
number. Then his Ma
jesty chid us, that in this
time of Parliament we
were silent in the cause
of the Church, and did
not make known to him
what might be useful, or
was prejudicial to the
Church, professing him
self ready to promote the
cause of the Church.
He then commanded
us, that in the causes of
the Earl of Bristol and
Duke of Buckingham we
should follow the direc
tion of our own con
sciences, being led by
proofs, not by reports.
Sunday, I preached
before the King at White-
Hall.
Monday, The Earl of
Bristol was accused in
Parliament of high trea
son, by the King s Attor
ney, Sir Robert Heath.
The Earl then and there
preferred 12 Articles
against the Duke of
Buckingham, and therein
charged him with the same
crime ; and other Articles
k [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
i. pp. 249254.]
1 [Afterwards Lord Chief Justice of
the Common Pleas.]
m [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
i. pp. 262, 263.]
190
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.I). 1626. Mail 1
contra Baronem Con-
waye Secretarium n . In
custodiam traditurComes
Bristol. Jacobo Maxwell,
ordinario Domus Par.
officiario.
Mail 4. Die Jovis, Arthurus
Lake, Bathon. et Well.
Episcopus, Londini mor-
tuus est .
Mail 8. Dies erat Lunse, Hora
2da post meridiem, Do
mus Inferior detulerunt
Ducem Buckinghamise
accusatioiiibus 13. onus-
turn ad Domum Supe-
riorem P.
Maii 11. Die Jovis, Rex Caro-
lus venit in Domum Par-
lamenti. Paucis alloqui-
tur Proceres de honore
nobilium conservando,
contra viles et infestas
calumnias eorum e Domo
Inferiori, qui detulerunt
Ducem, &c. q Octo fue-
runt qui in eo negotio
partes sortitas exorna-
runt r . Prologus Dudleius
Diggs 8 , et Epilogus, Job.
Elliot*, lioc die jussu Re-
also against the Lord Con-
way, Secretary of State.
The Earl of Bristol was
committed to the custody
of James Maxwell, the
officer in ordinary of the
House of Peers.
Thursday, ArthurLake,
Bishop of Bath andWells,
died at London.
Monday, at two o clock
in the afternoon, the
House of Commons
brought up to the House
of Peers a charge against
the Duke of Bucking
ham, consisting of 13
Articles.
Thursday, King Charles
came into the Parliament
House, and made a short
speech to the Lords con
cerning preserving the
honour of the nobility
against the vile and ma
licious calumnies of those
in the House of Com
mons, who had accused
the Duke, &c. : they
were eight, who in this
matter chiefly appeared.
The prologue, Sir Dudly
" [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
i. pp. 264266.]
[Warden of New College and Dean
of Worcester before he became Bishop.]
v [See Eushworth s Collections, vol.
i. pp. 306, seq.]
q [The King s Speech is given in
Rushworth s Collections, vol. i. p. 356.
It was written by Laud. See History
of Troubles, chap. xlii. p. 402 in marg.]
r [Rushworth gives the names of
the eight chief managers : Sir Dudley
Diggs, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Selden, Mr.
Glanville, Mr. Pym, Mr. Sherland,
Mr. Wandesford, and Sir John Eliot.
Collections, vol. i. p. 302.]
s [Afterwards Master of the Rolls.]
1 [Vice-Admiral of Devonshire, and
M.P. for Cornwall. See an interesting
account of him in D Israeli s Charles I.
O? ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
191
gis Turri mandati sunt.
Liberati intrapaucos dies
uterque.
Mail 25. Dies erat Jovis, Quia
non remissus Domui
Comes Arundelius u , nee
eausa patefacta ; suspicio
crevit de Isesis privilegiis.
Conclusum est inter Pro-
ceres de Domo compe-
rendinanda in crastinum :
Maii 26. quo die x , iterum compe-
rendinant in Junii 2 y ,
statuentes se nihil actu-
ros ante restitutum Co-
mitem, vel causam saltern
prolatam, &c.
Digges, the epilogue, A.D. 1626.
John Elliot, were this
day by the King s com
mand committed to the
Tower. They were both
dismissed thence within
few days.
Thursday, The Earl of
Arundel not being sent
back to the House, nor
the cause of his detain-
ment made known, the
House of Peers began to
be jealous of the breach
of their privileges, and
resolved to adjourn the
House to the next day :
on which day they ad
journed again to June 2,
resolving to do nothing
until the Earl should be
set free, or at least a
cause given, &c.
vol. ii. chap. xi. pp. 268, seq. and vol.
iv. Supplementary Chapter, p. 507.]
u [The reason of the Earl s com
mittal to prison is thus given in a
letter from Dr. Meddus to Joseph
Mede, March 10, 162-56 : " On Sunday
(March 5) the Earl of Arundel was
committed to the Tower by warrant
from his Majesty; the cause was a
marriage consummate between his
son, my Lord Maltravers, and the
eldest daughter of the late Duke of
Lennox, whom his Majesty (being
guardian to them both) had designed,
yea the match was concluded, for the
Earl of Argyle s heir, the Lord Lome,
(who is brought up here in our reli
gion) for the reconciling of those two
families, which for many years had
been in great enmity. The Earl of
Arundel, Avho is said to have given
leave for his son to make love to the
lady, came to ask the King s consent,
when the marriage was already past ;
and saith he was not acquainted with
it, but. that it was despatched between
his Countess and the Duchess of Len
nox." Birch s Court and Times of
Charles I. vol. i. pp. 86, 87.]
* [The proceedings of the House of
Lords in the case of the Earl of Arun
del may be read in Eushworth s Col
lections, vol.i. pp. 363, seq. The King
had this day informed the Lords, in
reply to their last address, that he
would " use all possible speed to give
satisfaction, and, at the farthest, before
the end of the session." Eushworth s
Collections, vol. i. p. 369.]
y [On the meeting of the House
on that day another message was deli
vered from the King, which proving
unsatisfactory, the House was ad
journed till the day following. A
further message of a more satisfactory
character was then given from the
King, on which the House, at the
request of the Lord Keeper, adjourned
till the following Thursday (June 8),
when it was announced from the King
that the Earl was released. Ibid,
pp. 370, 371.]
192
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1626. Mali 25. Quo die hse turbee
primo moverunt, erat
Urban! Papee; et hodie
sedet Urbanus Octavus;
cui et Hispano simul si
quid gratum facere ve-
lint, quibus id maxime
curse est; non video,, quid
melius excogitare pos-
sint,quamutinpartesdis-
trahant concilium regni.
Junii 15. Die Jo vis, Post multas
agitationes privata mali-
tia z in Ducem Bucking-
hamise superavit, et suf-
focavit omnia publica
negotia. Nihil actum
est, sed Parlamentum
solutum.
Junii 20. Dies erat Martis, Sere-
niss. Rex Carolus me
nominavit in Episcopum
Bathon. et Wellen.
Et simul injunxit, ut
concionem haberem pa-
rat am in solenne Jeju-
nium, quod proclama-
tione sanxit in diem Julii
5. sequentem a .
Julii 5. Solenne Jejunium in-
stitutum b , partim ob
May 25, on which day
these troubles first began,
was the feast of Pope Ur
ban ; and at this time Ur- "
ban VIII. sitteth in the
papal chair; to whom and
to the Spaniard, if they, 3
who most desire it, would
do any acceptable service,
I do not see what they
could better devise in
that kind than to divide
thus into parties the great
council of the kingdom.
Thursday, after many
debates and strugglings,
private malice against
the Duke of Buckingham
prevailed, and stopped all
public business. Nothing
was done ; but the Par
liament was dissolved.
Tuesday, His Majesty
King Charles named me
to be Bishop of Bath and
Wells.
And at the same time
commanded me to pre
pare a sermon for the
Public Fast, which he
had by proclamation ap
pointed to be kept on the
5th of July following.
A solemn Fast ap
pointed, partly upon ac-
z [This charge was urged against
the Archbishop at his Trial. See
Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap,
xlii. p. 403. in marg.]
a [The Proclamation is dated June
30. Rymer, Foed. VIII. ii. pp. 68, 69.]
b [The Prayers composed for use
on this occasion are entitled, "A
Forme of Prayer necessary to bee
vsed in these dangerous times of
Warre and Pestilence for the safety
and preseruation of his Maiestie and
his Realmes. Set forth by authoritie.
London, printed by Bonham Norton,
and John Bill, Printers to the King s
most Excellent Maiestie. 1626."]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
193
Julii 5. grassantem adhucinmul-
tis locis regni pestilen-
tiam, et partim ob metum
hostium minitaiitium.
Concionem habui eo die
coramRege etProceribus
apud White-Hall. Dies
erat Mercurii.
Julii 8. Concionem prsedictam
jussit Rex, ut typis ex-
cusam in publicum emit-
terem c . Dies erat Sab-
bati.
Julii 16. Die Solis, Theobaldis
concionem illam, quse
jam praelum sensisset, in
Regias manus dedi, et
redii.
Julii 26. DieseratMercurii,Sig-
navit Rex Congedeslier,
&c.,ut potestas sit Decano
et Capitulo me eligendi
in Episcopum Bathoni-
ensem.
Julii 27. Die Jovis, mane. De-
tulit ad meDr.Feild,Epi-
scopus Landavensis d , lite-
rasquasdam ab illustrissi-
mo Duce Buckinghamise.
Literas apertas erant, et
partim characteribus con-
scriptse. Misit autem eas
ad me Dux, ut consule-
rem quendam nomine
Swadlinge e , nominatum
c [See Sermon v. Works, vol. i.
p. 119.1
[Th
count of the pestilence A.D. 1G2G.
yet raging in many parts
of the kingdom, partly
on account of the danger
of enemies threatening
us. I preached this day
before the King and
Nobility at White-Hall.
It was Wednesday.
The King commanded
me to print and publish
the sermon. It was Sa
turday.
Sunday, I presented
that sermon, which was
now printed, to his Ma
jesty, and returned.
Wednesday, The King
signed the Conge d Eslire,
empowering the Dean
and Chapter to elect me
Bishop of Bath and
Wells.
Thursday, In the morn-
ing, Dr. Feild, Bishop of
Landaff, brought to me
certain letters from the
most illustrious Duke of
Buckingham. The let
ters were open, and wrote
partly in characters. The
Duke sent them to me,
that I should consult one
named Swadlinge, men-
d [Theopliilus Field, translated to
S. David s in 1627, and to Hereford-
in 1635.]
c [Thomas Swadling, then Curate
LAUD. VOL. in.
of St. Marylebone (Newcourt Eepert.
vol. i. p. 695). He was afterwards
Curate of S. Botolph s, Aldgate, from
which he was ejected in the Great
Rebellion, (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii.
p. 887.)]
O
194
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1G26. Julii 27. quidem in ipsis literis,
ut qui possit characteres
legere. Ipse etiam no-
minatus eram, utpote cui
iste Swadlinge notus erat;
et educatus in Collegio
S. Joh. Oxon., eo tern-
pore quo egoPrseses eram
Aug. 1. Collegii. Venit ad me
Thomas Swadlinge, quern
a discessu e Collegio, ad
diem ilium per 8. fere
annos, aut circiter, ne
semel vidi. Ille opera
insumpta tandem legit
Aug. 4. characteres, et Aug. 4,
(dies Veneris erat,) ego
et illeunaadimusDucem.
Legit : malitiosa qusedam
erant. Dux, ut decuit,
contemnit. Redimus.
Aug. 16.
Aug. 25
Electus fui in Episco-
pum Bathoniensem. Dies
erat Mercurii, et litera
D 1 .
Dies erat Veneris, Duse
rubeculse sen rubelliones
simul per ostium in mu-
sseurn volant, quasi unus
alterum persequens. Mo-
tus ille subitus me quasi
resilire facit. Dimisi si-
cut intrarunt. Ego turn
tioned in those letters,
as one who could read
the characters. I was
also named in them, as
to whom that Swadlinge
was known, having been
educated in S.John s Col
lege in Oxford, at what
time I was President of
that College. Thomas
Swadlinge came to me,
whom, from his leaving
the College to that day,
for almost 8 years, I had
not once seen. He be
stowing some pains, at
length read the charac
ters, and Aug. 4, Friday,
I and he went to the
Duke. He read them :
they were certain mali
cious things. The Duke,
as was fit, despised them.
We returned.
I was elected Bishop
of Bath and Wells, being
Wednesday, the letter
D f .
Friday, Two robin
redbreasts flew together
through the door into
my study, as if one pur
sued the other. That
sudden motion almost
startled me. I was then
sermon on
preparing
1 [ Et litera D. underlined, and a mark opposite them in marg.]
f [The King gave him a dispensa- residence in London, (llymer, Feed,
tion to hold his stall at Westminster VIII. ii. pp. 85, 86.)]
in commendam, that he might have a
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
195
Aug. 25. paraturus eram concio-
nem in Ephes. iv. 30, et
cliartis incubui.
Sept. 14. Die Jovis, vesperi.
Voluit Dux Bucking-
hamise, ut instructiones
quasdam in formam redi-
gerems, partim politicas,
partim ecclesiasticas, in
causa ilia Regis Dania3
paulo ante afflicti a Duce
Tillio, mittendas per om-
nes parochias. Brevis-
sima capita mini tradita
sunt. Paratas essevoluit
in diem Saturni sequen-
Sept. 16. tern. Paravi, et liora pra3-
fixa attuli : Legi. Ducit
me ad Regem. Ibi iterum
jussus perlegi ; uterque
Sept. 17. approbant. Die Solis,
propositas Iecta3que sunt
(nam deposui apud Du-
cem chartas) coram Ho-
noratissimis Regis Con-
siliariis. Deo gratias, ab
omnibus probate sunt.
Sept. 18. Lunse die, Confirmata
estelectiomeainBathon.
et Wellen. Episcopum.
Sept. 19. Die Martis, Apud
Theobaldas homagium
juravi Serenissimo Regi,
Ephes. iv. 30, and study- A.D. 1626.
ing.
Thursday evening, The
Duke of Buckingham
willed me to form certain
Instructions, partly po
litical, partly ecclesias
tical, in the cause of the .
King of Denmark, a
little before brought into
great straits by General
Tilly, to be sent through
all parishes. Certain
heads were delivered to
me. He wo aid have them
made ready by Saturday
following. I made them
ready, and brought them
at the appointed hour. I
read them to the Duke.
He brought me to the
King. I, being so com
manded, read them again.
Each of them approved
them. Sunday, They
were read (having been
left with the Duke) before
the Lords of the Privy
Council ; and were
(thanks be to God) ap
proved by them all.
Monday, My election
to the Bishopric of Bath
and Wells was confirmed.
Tuesday, At Theobalds
I swore homage to his
Majesty ; who there pre-
? These may be found in Heylin s Life of Laud, p. 162. H. W. [P. 154.
Edit. 1671.]
o2
196
THE DTARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1626. Sept. 19. qui ibi statim restituit
me ad temporalia a tern-
pore mortis.
Quse inter me et Dom.
Baronem Conwaye Prin-
cipalem Regis Secreta-
rium acciderunt, dum
simul redimus.
Sept. 25. h Die Luna3, Hora ma-
tutina fere quarta Lance-
lotus Andrews,, Episcopus
Winton. meritissimus, lu
men orbis Christiani,
mortuus est.
Sept. 30. Die Saturni, Certiorem
me fecit Dux Buck, quod
decrevit Sereniss. Rex, ut
ego successor sim Epi-
scopo Winton. defuncto
in officio Decanatus Sa-
celli Regii.
Oct. 2. Die Lunse, Narravit
idem mihi, quid de me
ulterius eo die Rex statu-
isset, si A. B. C. etc.
Oct. 3. Die Martis, Ad Aulam
profectus sum; ea turn
Hamptonise erat. Ibi
gratias egi Regi pro De-
canatu Sacelli, mihi turn
concesso. Redii Londi-
num.
Oct. 6. Juramentum a Decano
Sacelli suscipiendum sub -
h [This day is given incorrectly in the MS. Sept. 21. ]
sently restored me to the
temporalties, from the
death of my predecessor.
What passed between
me and the Lord Con-
way, Principal Secretary
to the King, in our re
turn.
Monday, About four
o clock in the morning,
died Lancelot Andrews,
the most worthy Bishop
of Winchester, the great
light of the Christian
world.
Saturday, The Duke of
Buckingham signified to
me the King s resolu
tion, that I should suc
ceed the Bishop of Win
chester in the office of
Dean of the Chapel-
Royal.
Monday, The Duke re
lated to me what the King
had further resolved con
cerning me, in case the
Archbishop of Canter
bury should die, &c.
Tuesday, I went to
Court, which was then ai
Hampton Court. There
I returned thanks to the
King for the Deanery o
the Chapel, then granted
to me. I returned tc
London.
I took the oath belong
ing to the Dean of the
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
197
Oct. 6. ivi in sacrario coram
Honoratissimo Carnera-
rio Regio Philippo Mon-
gomeryse Comite : mi--
nistrante juramentum
Stepliano Bouton 1 Sub-
decano. Dies erat Ve-
iieris.
Nov. 14. Vel circiter, occasione
sumpta ex abrupta, tum
inca3ptione,tum finitione,
preeum publicarum die
5. Novemb. petii a Sere-
nissimo Eege Carolo, ut
interesset lyturgise seque
ac concionibus quolibet
die Dominico, et, ut quo-
cunque tempore preeum
advenisset, Sacerdos qui
ministraret pergeret us
que ad finem preeum.
Non modo annuit Rex
religiosissimus, sed et
gratias mihi egit. Non
factum hoc antea ab in-
itio regni Jacobi ad hunc
diem. Nun c ; Deo gratias,
obtinet.
Dec. 21. Somniavi de sepultura
nescio cujus, et me asti-
tisse pulveri, &c. Evigi-
lavi tristis.
Dec. 25. Christmas-day, dies
erat Lunse, Concionem
Chapel, in the vestry, A.D. 1626,
before the Right Honour
able Philip Earl of Mont
gomery, Lord Chamber
lain, Stephen Boughton,
the Sub-Dean, adminis
tering it. It was Friday.
Or thereabout, taking
occasion from the abrupt
both beginning and end
ing of public prayer on
the fifth of November, I
desired his Majesty King
Charles, that he would
please to be present at
prayers as well as ser
mon every Sunday, and
that at whatsoever part
of the prayers he came,
the Priest then officiating
might proceed to the end
of the prayers. The most
religious King not only
assented to this request,
but also gave me thanks.
This had not before been
done from the beginning
of K. James s reign to
this day. Now, thanks
be to God, it obtaineth.
I dreamed of the burial
of I know not whom, and
that I stood by the grave.
I awaked sad.
Christmas-day, Mon
day, I preached my first
1 [Appointed June 28, 1627, Canon
of Worcester (Kymer, Feed. V11I. ii.
p. 250); Dec. 13, 1630, Rector of
Broadway, Worcestershire (ibid. iii.
p. 168) ; May 17, 1636, Kector of
Hinxworth, Herts (ibid. IX. ii. p.
87) ; and July 4, the same year,
Eector of Bargrave (ibid. p. 91).]
198
THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1626. Dec. 25. habui primam ut Deca-
nus Sacelli Regii, ad
White-Hall, in S. Joh. i.
14. par. 1.
Jan, 5. Vigilia erat Epipha-
nise, et dies Veneris,
Nocte somniavi matrem
meam diu ante defunc-
tam lecto meo astitisse,
et deductis paululum
stragulis, hilarem in me
aspexisse, laetatus sum
videre earn aspectu tam
jucundo. Ostendit dein-
de mihi senem diu ante
defunctum, quem ego,
dum vixit, et novi et
amavi. Jacuisse vide-
batur ille humi, leetus
satis,, sed rugoso vultu;
nomen ei Grove. Dum
paro salutare, evigilavi.
Jan. 8. Dies erat Lunse. Eo
visum Ducem Bucking-
hamise. Gavisus est, et
in manus dedit chartam
de Invocatione Sancto
rum, quam dedit ei mater,
illi vero nescio quis Sa-
cerdos.
Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni,
Episcopus Lin. petiit re-
conciliationem cum Duce
Buck., &c.
Jan. 14. Die Solis, versus mane
somniavi Episcopum Lin.
sermon, as Dean of the
Chapel-Royal, at White-
Hall, upon S. John i. 14.
part 1.
Epiphany- eve, and Fri
day. In the night I
dreamed that my mother,
long since dead, stood by
my bed, and drawing
aside the clothes a little,
looked pleasantly upon
me ; and that I was glad!
to see her with so merry
an aspect. She then
showed to me a certain
old man, long since de^
ceased, whom, while alive,
I both knew and loved;
He seemed to lie upon the
ground, merry enough,
but with a wrinkled coun
tenance. His name was
Grove. While I prepared
to salute him, I awoke.
Monday, I went to visit
the Duke of Buckingham.!
He was glad to see me,
and put into my hands!
a paper concerning the|
Invocation of Saints.
*
which his mother had
given to him ; a certain^
Priest, to me unknown,!
had given it to her.
Saturday, The Bishop!
of Lincoln desired recon
ciliation with the Dukej
of Buckingham, &c.
Sunday, to wards morn- 1
ingr, I dreamed that the!
OF ARCHBISUOP LAUD.
199
Jan. 14. nescio quo advenisse cum
catenis ferreis ; sed red-
euns liber at us ab iis
equum insiluit ; abiit,
nee assequi potui->.
Jan. 16. Die Martis, Somniavi
Regem venatum exiisse ;
et quod quum esuriit,
abduxi eum de improviso
in domum Fran. Winde-
banck amici mei. Dum
parat comedere, ego, dum
alii aberant, calicem ei
de more porrigebam.
Potum attuli; non pla-
cuit. Iterumadduxi; sed
poculo argenteo. Dicit
Sereniss. Rex : Tu nosti,
me semper e vitro bibere.
Abeo iterum : evigilavi.
Jan. 17. Die Mercurii, Ostendo
rationes Regi, cur chartse
Episcopi Winton. de-
functi de Episcopis, quod
sint jure divino k , prselo
tradendee sint, contra il-
lud quod misere, et in
maximum damnum Ec-
clesise Anglicanas, Epi-
j [Hacket (Life of Williams, par. ii.
p. 85.) remarks on this, and similar
passages in the Diary : "The undoing
of his brother and colleague in di
vinity did so run in his mind, that it
Bisliop of Lincoln came, A.D. 1626.
I know not whither, with
iron cliains. But return
ing loosed from them,
leaped on horseback,
went away; neither could
I overtake him.
Tuesday, I dreamed
that the King went out
to hunt ; and that when
he was hungry, I brought
him on the sudden into
the house of my friend,
Francis Windebank.
While he prcpareth to
eat, I, in the absence of
others, presented the cup
to him after the usual
manner. I carried drink
to him, but it pleased him
not. I carried it again,
but in a silver cup. There
upon his Majesty said :
You know that I always
drink out of glass. I go
away again, and awoke.
Wednesday,! showmy
reasons to the King, why
the papers of the late
Bishop of Winchester,
concerning Bishops, that
they are jure divino,
should be printed; con
trary to what the Bishop
of Lincoln had pitifully,
Collections, vol. i. p.
was never out of his dreams." Rush-
worth ventures on an interpretation
of this dream.
421.]
k [The papers referred to are the
Letters of Bishop Andre wes to Peter du
Moulin, published in 1629 by Bishops
Buckeridge and Laud in his " Opus-
cula Posthuma. ]
200
THE DIARY OE THE LIFE
A.D. 1626. Jan. 17. scopus Line, significavit
Regi ; sicut Rex ipse
mihi antea narravit l .
Feb. 7. Dies erat Cinerum,
Concionatus sum in Au-
la ad White-Hall.
Feb. 9. Die Veneris, Nocte
sequente somniavi me
morbo scorbutico labo-
rasse ; et repente denies
omnes mihi laxos fuisse ;
unum praecipue in inferi-
ori maxilla, vix digito me
retinere potuisse, donee
opem peterem, &c.
Feb. 20. Die Martis, Incsepit
Jo. Fenton curationem
pruriginis cujusdam, &c.
Feb. 22. Die Jovis, Iter suscepi
versus Novum Merca-
tum, ubi turn Rex fuit.
Mar. 3. Dies Saturni erat, Can-
tabrigiam concessi una
cum Duce Buckingha-
mia3, Cancellario istius
almse Academise 111 , et aliis
and to the great detri
ment of the Church of
England, signified to the
King, as the King him
self had before related
to me.
Ash - Wednesday, I
preached at Court, at
White-Hall.
Friday, The following
night I dreamed that I
was troubled with the
scurvy, and that on
the sudden all my teeth
became loose ; that one
of them especially, in the
lower j aw, I could scarce
hold in with my finger, till
I called out for help, &c.
Tuesday, John Fenton
began the cure of a cer
tain itch, &c.
Thursday, I began my
journey towards New-
Market, where the King
then was.
Saturday, I went to
Cambridge with the Duke
of Buckingham, Chan
cellor of that famous
University, and other
1 [Hacket, (Life of "Williams, par. ii.
p. 87,) forgetting that the king s ve
racity is involved, observes on this,
" Which is a great mistake, for Lin
coln ever defended the divine right of
his order, that it was necessary in a
church rightly constituted, that it was
a main defect in them that had not
that presidency among them, hut the
less if they did desire it, and could not
enjoy it." Hacket, it may be observed,
speaks of the episcopal order simply
as a " presidency," not as the channel
by which the apostolical gift is con
veyed ; which argues no very high
idea of the office, on the part either of
Williams or of himself, according to
his own showing.]
m [He was elected Chancellor, June
1, 1626, by a majority of three votes
over his competitor, Viscount Ando-
ver. See a letter of Joseph Mede to
Sir Martin Stuteville, June 3, 1626,
describing the efforts of his party to
secure his success. (Birch s Court of
Charles I. vol. i. pp. 107109.) The
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
201
Mar. 3. Comitibus et Baronibus.
Incorporate ibi fui; et
sic primus, qui prsesen-
tatus fuit illustrissimo
Duci, turn sedenti]in do-
ino Congregationis, ipse
fui. Habitus ibi fuit ab
Academicis Dux insignis
et Academice et celebri-
ter n . Redimus.
Mar. 6. Die Martis, RediitRex
e Novo Mercato, et ego,
versus Loudinum.
Mar. 8. Die Jovis : Veni Lon-
dinum. Nocte sequente
somniavi me reconcilia-
tum fuisse Ecclesise Ro.
Hoc anxie me habuit;
ct miratus sum valde,
unde accidit. Nee so-
lum mihi molestus fui
[propter errores illius Ec-
clesise, sed etiam ] prop
ter scandala, quse ex illo
lapsu meo multos egre-
gios et doctos viros in
Ecclesia Ang. onerarent.
Sic turbatus insomnio
dixi apud me, me statim
iturum, et confessione
facta veniam ab Ecclesia
Ang. petiturum. Per-
genti obviam se dedit
Sacerdos quidam; voluit
impedire. Sed indigna-
earls and lords. I was A.D. 1626.
there incorporated; and
so I was the first who
was presented to the most
illustrious Duke, then
sitting in the Congrega
tion House. The Duke
was treated by the Uni
versity in an Academical
manner, yet splendidly.
We returned.
Tuesday, The King re
turned from New-Mar
ket, and I with him,
toward London.
Thursday, I came to
London. The night fol
lowing I dreamed, that
I was reconciled to the
Church of Rome. This
troubled me much; and
I wondered exceedingly,
how it should happen.
Nor was I aggrieved with
myself [only by reason
of the errors of that
Church, but also] upon
account of the scandal
which from that my fall
would be cast upon many
eminent and learned men
in the Church of Eng
land. So being troubled
at my dream, I said with
myself, that I would go
immediately, and, con
fessing my fault, would
House of Commons was much exaspe
rated by this election, and summoned
some of the Doctors to give an account
of their conduct, but the King forbade
their attendance. (Ibid. p. 1 10.)]
n [See Joseph Mede s account of his
reception, ibid. p. 204.]
These words are most maliciously
omitted by Prynne. H. W.
202
THE DIAHY OP THE LIFE
A.D. 1626. Mar. 8.
tione motus, me in viam
dedi. Et dum fatigavi
me morosis cogitationi-
bus, evigilavi. Tales im-
pressiones sensi; ut vix
potui credere me som-
niasse.
Mar. 12. Die Lunse, Cum Rege
Mar. 13. concessi Theobaldas. Re-
dii die proximo.
Mar. 17. Die Saturni, Vigilia
Palmarum : Hora noctis
fere media, sepelivi? Caro-
lum Vicecomitem Buck-
inghamisei, filium natu
. maximum ettumunicum
Georgii Ducis Bucking-
hamise, setatis turn fuit
anniunius et fere quatuor
mensium. Mortuus est
die Veneris praecedente.
An. 1627.
Mar. 25. Dies erat Paschatis,
Concionatus sum in Aula,
&c.
Mar. 27. Die Martis, Sequente
nocte somnium habui,
quale sequitur. Legata
qusedam data erant Do-
mi nse Dorothea Wright,
beg pardon of the Church
of England. Going with
this resolution, a certain
priest met me, and would
have stopped me. But
moved with indignation
I went on my way. And
while I wearied myself
with these troublesome
thoughts, I awoke. Here
in I felt such strong im
pressions, that I could
scarce believe it to be a
dream.
Monday, I went with
the King to Theobalds.
I returned next day,
March 13.
Saturday, the Eve of
Palm- Sunday,about mid
night I buried Charles
Viscount Buckingham,
the eldest, and then only,
son of George Duke of
Buckingham. He was
then about a year and
four months old. He died
on the Friday before.
Easter-day,*! preached
at Court, &c.
Tuesday, That night I
had the following dream.
Some legacies had been
given to the Lady Doro
thy Wright, the widow
i [In Henry the Seventh s Chapel,
near King James.]
i [Mode calls him the Earl of Co
ventry. (Birch s Court of Charles I.
vol. i. p. 207.)]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
Mar. 27. viduse Georgii W. militis,
familiaris mei. Legatee
erant 430 minse et am-
plius : datse a consangui-
neo quodam, viduse et
filiis, nomine Farnham.
Ad instantiam viduse,
quum legata solvere Ex
ecutor ant negavit, aut
distulit, literas obtinui
ab illustrissimo Duce
Buckinghamise in gra-
tiam viduas (Dux enim
erat Magister Equitum,
et clictus Georgius W.
sub eo fuit inter minis-
tros Regis) . Quum literas
jam in manibushaberem,
daturusque eram viduse,
ut mitteret in Hiber-
niam, nbi Executor dc-
gebat, hac nocte appa-
ruit mihi in somnis
Georgius W. miles, per
biennium ante ad mini
mum mortuus, visus est
mihi valde habilis hila-
risque satis. Dixi, quid
pro vidua et liberis ejus
turn egi. Cogitabundus
paulisper respondit ; Ex-
ecutorem sibi, dum in
vivis esset, satisfecisse
pro legatis illis: et sta-
tim, inspectis quibusdam
chartis in museolo suo
adjacente^ addidit iterum
ita esse.
of Sir George Wright my A.D. 1627.
acquaintance. The lega
cies amounted to above
430/ v being bequeathed
by a certain kinsman
named Farnham,, to the
widow and her children.
When the Executor de
nied or deferred to pay
the legacy, I had, at the
desire of the widow, ob
tained letters in her be
half from the Duke of
Buckingham (for the
Duke was Master of the
Horse, and the said Sir
George W. was employed
under him in the King s
service) . When I had now
those letters in my hands,
and was about to deliver
them to the widow, that
she might send them into
Ireland, where the Ex
ecutor dwelt; this night
Sir George Wright ap
peared to me in my sleep,
having been dead two
years before at least. He
seemed to me in very
good plight, and merry
enough. I told him what
I had done for his widow
and children. He, after a
little thought, answered
that the Executor had
satisfied him for those
legacies, while he was yet
alive. And presently
looking upon some papers
204
THE DIAIIY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1027. Mar. 27.
Et insuper mihi in
aurem dixit, me causam
esse, cur Episcopus L.
non iterum admitteretur
in gratiam et in Aulam 1 .
Apr. 4. Die Mercurii, Quum
Rex. Sereniss. Carolus
absolvebat D.Dun 3 circa
lapsus quosdam in con-
cione habita die Solis
Apr. 1. Quod gratiosis-
sime mihi turn dixit, lite-
ris nunquam delendis,
cum summa gratiarum
actione t)eo et Regi, in
corde scripsi.
Apr. 7. DieseratSaturni,Dum
Aulam petii, ut Regia3
coense servus intersim, e
rheda exeuns, titubante
pede prseceps ruebam ;
graviori casu nunquam
sum lapsus; sed mise-
rante Deo, contusa tan-
turn coxendice, idque le-
viter, evasi.
Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis, Pri-
mo ad me missse sunt
Exceptiones, quas exlii-
buit A. B. C. contra Con-
cionem Doctoris Sib-
thorp i > et quse sequun-
tur.
in his study adjoining,
he added, that it was so.
He moreover whisper
ing in my ear, told me,
that I was the cause why
the Bishop of Lincoln 4;
was not again admitted
into favour, and to Court.
Wednesday, When his
Majesty King Charles
forgave to Doctor Donne
certain slips in a sermon
preached on Sunday, Apr.
1 : what he then most
graciously said unto me,
I have wrote in my heart
with indelible characters,
and great thankfulness
to God and the King.
Saturday, Going to
Court, to wait upon the
King at supper, in going
out of the coach, my foot
stumbling, I fell head
long. I never had a
more dangerous fall ; but
by God s mercy, I es
caped with a light bruise
of my hip only.
Tuesday, There were
then first sent to me the
Exceptions which the
Archbishop of Canterbu
ry had exhibited against
Doctor Sibthorp s Ser
mon, and what followed.
r [See Racket s Life of Williams,
par. ii. p. 85.]
s [Dr. John Donne. No mention
is made of this sermon by his biogra
pher. But there is an account of
King James s displeasure with Donne,
and his satisfactory exculpation of
himself on a previous occasion, in
Walton s Life, (Wordsworth s Eccl.
Biog. vol. iii. pp. 653655.) ]
1 [Dr. Robert Sib thorp, Vicar of
Erackley, had, at the previous assizes
OE ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
205
Apr. 29. Die Soils, Factus sura
Serenissimo Regi Carolo
a Consiliis Secretioribus.
In honorem suum, et bo-
num Regni et Ecclesise,
oro, vertat Deus.
Sunday, I was made A.D. 1627.
Privy-Councellor to his
Majesty King Charles.
God grant it may con
duce to his honour, and
to the good of the king
dom and the Church.
Whitsunday, I preach
ed before the King, &c.
42
Mail 13. Die Pentecostes, Con-
ciouem habui coramRege,
&c.
Junii 7 I attended King Charles from London to South-
et 8. wick by Portsmouth.
Junii 11. His Majesty dined aboard the Triumph, where
I attended him.
Junii 17. The Bp. of London was granted me at Southwick.
22. We came to London.
24. I was commanded to go all the progress.
27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards
the Isle of Eee.
30. The progress began to Oatlands.
Julii 4. The King lost a jewel in hunting of a 1000/.
value. That day the message was sent by the King
for the sequestering of A. B. C. u
7. Saturday night, I dreamed that I had lost two
teeth. The Duke of Buck, took the Isle of Ree.
26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingbur-
rough v .
29. The first news came from my Lord Duke of his
success : Sunday.
for Northamptonshire, preached a
sermon in favour of the imposition of
taxes by the King independently of
the sanction of Parliament. Abbot, on
being applied to license it, declined
to do so, on the ground that it con
tained many statements contrary to
the laws of the realm. The objections
were referred to Laud, who with the
aid of other Bishops revised the ser
mon. Abbot again refused his ap
proval, and the sermon was at last
licensed by Montaigne, Bishop of Lon-
doti. Abbot ascribes his sequestration,
which took place shortly afterwards,
to this refusal. See Abbot s Narrative,
in which the objections are given at
length, in Rushworth s Collections,
vol. i. pp. 436444.]
u [Lord Conway wasvdirected to bear
a message from the King to Abbot, to
the effect that he should retire to Can
terbury. Abbot, in his account of the
interview between Lord Conway and
himself, states, that Lord Conway in
formed him that this disgrace was put
on him for refusing to license Sib-
thorp s sermon. (See Rush worth, vol. i.
pp. 446, 447.)]
v [The King and Queen were stay
ing there for the benefit of the Chaly
beate Spring, at Red well]
206 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1627. Aug. 12, The second news came from my Lord Duke to
Windsor : Sunday.
26. The third news came from my Lord Duke to
Aldershot : Sunday.
Septemb. News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds.
The first fear of ill success.
News from my Lord Duke to Hampton Court.
I went to my Lord of Rochester, to consider about
A. B. C., and returned to Hampton Court.
The King s speech to me in the withdrawing
chamber. That if any did, &c. I, &c. before any
thing should sink, &c.
The business of Doctor Bargar w , Dean of Canter
bury x , began about the vicarage of Lidd.
Octob. The commission to the Bishops of London y, Dur
ham z , Rochester a , Oxford b , and myself, then Bath
and Wells, to execute archiepiscopal jurisdiction,
during the sequestration of my Lord s G. of Cant. c
The Dean of Cant/s speech, that the business
could not go well in the Isle of Ree. There must
be a Parliament, some must be sacrificed, that I
was as like as any. Spoken to Doctor W.
The same speech after spoken to the same man,
by Sir Dudlye Diggs.
I told it, when I heard it doubled. Let me desire
you, not to trouble yourself with any reports, till
you. see me forsake my other friends, &c. Ita Ch. R.
The retreat out of the Isle of Ree.
Novemb. My Lord Duke s return to Court.
The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High
Commission for adultery d .
w Bargrave. H. W. c [The Commission is given in
x [Isaac Bargrave. He had preached, Rushworth, vol. i. pp. 431 433. It is
on the previous March 27, (the King s dated Oct. 9. It was revoked June 24,
accession,) a sermon strongly in favour 1628. (Rymer, Feed. VIII. ii. p. 264.)]
of the loan. (See a letter of Mede to d [With Sir Rob. Howard. (See
Stuteville, Birch s Court of Charles L, above, at Jan. 21, and March 3, 1624.)
vol. i. pp. 214, 215,) though in the The sentence was given Nov. 29, as
pi-evious reign he had favoured the appears by a letter in Birch s Court
popular party. He suffered severely of Charles I. vol. i. p. 296. In Hist.
in the early part of the rebellion.] of Troubles and Trial, (chap. v. p. 146
y George Montaigne.] in marg.) it is given Nov. 19. Laud
z Rich. Neile.] was fined 500. for the part he took in
a John Buckeridge.] the subsequent proceedings. See Diary,
b [John Howson.] Dec. 21, 1640.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 207
Dec. 25. I preached to the King at White-Hall. A.D. 1627.
Jan. 29. Tuesday, A resolution at the Council Table for a
Parliament, to begin March 17, if the shires go on
with levying money for the navy, &c.
Jan. 30. Wednesday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham s son
was born, the Lord George e . New moon die 26 l .
Feb. 5. Tuesday, The straining of the back sinew of my
right leg, as I went with his Majesty to Hampton-
Court f . I kept in till I preached at the opening of
the Parliament, March 17, but I continued lame long
Feb. 14. after, saving that upon Thursday, Saint Valentine s-
day, I made a shift to go and christen my Lord
Duke s son, the Lord George, at Wallingford-House.
Mar. 17. I preached at the opening of the Parliament; but
had much ado to stand. It was Mondays.
An. 1628.
June 1. Whitsunday, I preached at Wliite-Hall.
June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham voted in the
House of Commons to be the cause, or causes, of
all grievances in the kingdom 2 .
June 12. Thursday, I was complained of by the House of
Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring s ser
mons to the press h .
June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the
June 14. Lords ; and the next day, being Saturday, was
censured 1 .
1 [ JS"ew moon die 26, in marg.]
2 [ or causes .... kingdom. cut off in MS.]
e [His successor, the notorious Buck- by Pym. See Rushworth s Collections,
ingham of Charles the Second s Court?] vol. i. pp. 593-4.]
f [See the Prayer on this occasion, l [He was sentenced to be impri-
above, p. 82.] soned, to be fined IQQQL, was required
s [The Sermon on the text, Eph. iv. to make submission, suspended for
3, Endeavouring to keep the unity three years, disenabled to enjoy any
of the Spirit in the bond of peace/ further preferment or office, (See
was afterwards published. Tt contains Rushworth, vol. i. p. 605.) The Ser-
several allusions to the accident which mons were called in by proclamation,
had so recently befallen the preacher. June 24. (See Rymer, Feed. VIII. ii.
See Serin, vi. vol. i. pp. 170. 177.] p. 264.) He afterwards received a free
h [Roger Manwaring, Vicar of S. pardon, and was immediately promoted
Giles-in-the-Fields, had preached two to the living of Stanford Rivers, which
sermons in July 1627, entitled, " Reli- he held with S. Giles-in-the-Fields. In
gion and Allegiance," on Eccl. viii. 2. May 1633 he was appointed Dean of
They had been preached before the Worcester, and Feb. 28, 1635, (see
King, the one at Oatlands, the other below at that date,) consecrated Bishop
at Alderton. The charge against him of S David s.]
was brought up from the Commons
208 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1628. June 14. After his censure my cause was called to the
report. And by God s goodness towards me, I was
fully cleared in the House.
The same day the House of Commons were
making their remonstrance to the King J. One head
was, innovation of religion. Therein they named
my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and myself k .
One in the House stood up and said : Now we
have named these persons, let us think of some
causes why we did it. Sir Edw. Cooke answered,
Have we not named my Lord of Buckingham
without showing a cause, and may we not be as bold
with them ?
June 17. This remonstrance was delivered to the King on
Tuesday.
June 26. Thursday, The Session of Parliament ended, and
was prorogued to October 20.
July 1. Tuesday, My Conge-deslier was signed by the
King for the Bp. of London \
July 15. Tuesday, St. Swithin, and fair with us. I was
translated to the Bp. of London. The same day,
the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer m .
Aug. 9. Saturday, A terrible salt rheum in my left eye,
had almost put me into a fever.
Aug. 12. Tuesday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham went
towards Portsmouth, to go for Rochell.
Aug. 23. Saturday, St. BartholomewVeve, The Duke of
Buckingham slain at Portsmouth, by one Lieutenant
Felton, about nine in the morning,
Aug. 24. The news of his death came to Croydon ; where
it found myself and the Bps. of Winchester n , Ely ,
and Carlile P, at the consecration of Bishop Monta
gue for Chichester, with my Lord s Grace.
J [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. nominated to the Bishopric of Lon-
i. pp.619 626.] don, June 17, 1627. See above, p. 205.]
k [Ibid. p. 621.] m [Sir Richard Weston, created Lord
1 [The ^Conge d elire is dated July Weston, April 13, 1628, and Earl of
4, see Rymer, Feed. VIII. ii. p. 265. Portland, 1632. He was appointed
The reason of the delay which took Lord High Treasurer on the retire-
place in his translation to this See, ment of Ley, Earl of Marlborougb.]
is explained at length by Heylin, n [Rich. Neile.]
(Cypr. Angl. pp. 165, 166.) It will [John Buckeridge.]
be remembered that he had been i 1 [Francis White.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 209
Aug. 27. Wednesday, Mr. Elphinstoni brought me a very A.D. 1028,
gracious message from his Majesty, upon my L.
Duke s death.
Aug. 30. As I was going out to meet the corpse of the
Duke, which that night was brought to London 1 ,
Sir W. Fleetwood 3 brought me very gracious letters
from the King s Majesty, written with his own hand.
Sept. 9. Tuesday, The first time that I went to Court after
the death of the Duke of Buckingham, my dear
lord. The gracious speech, which that night the
King was pleased to use to me.
Sept. 27. Saturday, I fell sick, and came sick from Hamp
ton Court. Tuesday, Septemb. ult., I was sore
plucked with this sickness, &c.
Oct. 20. Monday, I was forced to put on a truss for a
rupture. I know not how occasioned, unless it
were with swinging of a book for my exercise in
private.
Nov. 29. Felton was executed at Tyburn for killing the
Duke; and afterwards his body was sent to be
hanged in chains at Portsmouth e . It was Saturday
and St. Andre wVeven ; and he killed the Duke
upon Saturday, S. Bartholomew s-even.
Dec. 25. I preached at White-Hall.
Dec. 30. Wednesday, The statutes w r hich I had drawn, for
the reducing of the factious and tumultuary election
\i of Proctors in Oxford to several colleges by course,
and so to continue, were passed in Convocation at
Oxford, no voice dissenting u .
Jan. 26. Monday, The 240 Greek manuscripts were sent
to London-house. These I got my Lord of Pem
broke to buy and give to Oxford x .
Jan. 31. Saturday night, I lay in Court. I dreamed that
q [The King s cup-bearer.] * [See two accounts of his execution
1 [He was buried on the north side in Birch s Court of Charles I. vol. i.
of Henry Tilth s Chapel.] pp. 441, 442, 446.]
[Cup-bearer to Kings James and u [See Wood s Annals, ad an. 1629,
Charles ; appointed March 27, 1640, p. 365, and Reg. Conv. R. fol. 2.]
Receiver-General of the Court of x [These were the celebrated Ba-
Wards and Liveries (Rymer, Food. IX. roccian MSS. See Hist, of Chancel-
iii. p. 38). He was the father of the lorship, p. 10, note .]
celebrated Republican General.]
LAUD. VOL. in. P
210 THE DIAKY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1628. Jan. 31. I put off my rochet, all save one sleeve; and when
I would have put it on again, I could not find it.
Feb. 6. Friday, Sir Thomas Roe y sent to London-house
twenty-eight manuscripts in Greek, to have a cata
logue drawn, and the books to be for Oxford z .
Mar. 2. Monday, The Parliament to be dissolved declared
by proclamation, upon some disobedient passages to
his Majesty that day in the House of Commons.
Mar. 10. Tuesday, The Parliament dissolved; the King
present. The Parliament, which was broken up
this March 10, laboured my ruin ; but, God be ever
blessed for it, found nothing against me 1 .
An. 1629.
Mar. 29. Sunday, Two papers were found in the Dean of
Paul s his yard before his house. The one was
to this effect concerning myself: Laud, look to
thyself; be assured thy life is sought. As thou art
the fountain of all wickedness, repent thee of thy
monstrous sins, before thou be taken out of the
world, &c. And assure thyself, neither God nor
the world can endure such a vile counsellor to live,
or such a whisperer ; or to this effect. The other
was as bad as this, against the Lord Treasurer.
Mr. Dean delivered both papers to the King that
night. Lord, I am a grievous sinner ; but I beseech
Thee, deliver my soul from them that hate me
without a cause.
April 2. Thursday, Maundy- Thursday, as it came this
year, About three of the clock in the morning, the
Lady Duchess of Buckingham delivered of her son,
the Lord Francis Villiers a , whom I christened,
April 21. Tuesday the 21st.
1 [ Tuesday . . . me. inserted afterwards in marg.]
y [Sir Thomas Eoe had been am- E. fol. 6. a. A list of the MSS. given
bassador at Constantinople, where he by SirTh. Eoe, is in Cat. MSS. Anglt
collected many valuable MSS. He vol. i. pp. 35. 38. Those mentioned
was elected, Oct. 17, 1640, one of the in the text are only a small portion
Burgesses of the University. (Wood, of the whole number.]
Ath. Ox. iii. 112.)] a [Lord Francis Villiers was slain
z [The gift of these MSS. to the in a skirmish with the rebels on July
University is recorded in Eeg. Conv. 7, 1648, near Kingston-on-Thamcs.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 211
JApril 5. I preached at White- Hall l .
Maii 13. Wednesday, This morning, about three of the
clock, the Queen was delivered before her time of a
son. He was christened, and died within short
space, his name Charles b . This was Ascension-eve.
Maii 14. The next day being Ascension-day, paulo ante me-
diam noctem, I buried him at Westminster. If God
repair not this loss, I much fear it was Descension-
day to this State.
Aug. 14. Dies erat Veneris, I fell sick upon the way to
wards the Court at Woodstock ; I took up my
lodging at my ancient friend^ s house, Mr. Francis
Windebanck. There I lay in a most grievous
Sept. 7. burning fever c , till Monday, Sept. 7, on which day
I had my last fit.
Oct. 20. I was brought so low, that I was not able to
return towards my own house at London, till Tues
day, Octob. 29.
i Oct. 26. I went first to present my humble duty and ser
vice to his Majesty at Denmark House d , Monday,
26 Octob.
Mar. 21. After this I had divers plunges, and was not able
to put myself into the service of my place, till
Palm Sunday, which was March 21.
An. 1630.
Apr. 10. The Earl of Pembroke, Lord Steward, being
Chancellor of the University of Oxford, died of an
apoplexy e .
Apr. 12. The University of Oxford chose me Chancellor;
and word was brought me of it, the next morning,
Monday.
Apr. 28. Wednesday, The University came up to the cere
mony, and gave me my oath f .
Maii 29. Saturday, Prince Charles was born at St. James s,
1 [ I preached at White-Hall. inserted in marg.]
His elder brother, the Duke of Buck- d [So called from Queen Anne of
ingham, escaped. See an interesting Denmark. Both before and after this
account of his death in Aubrey s time called Somerset House.]
Surrey, vol. i. p. 47.] e [See Hist, of Chancellorship, p. 3,
b [See above, p. 102.] note c .]
c [See above, p. 14, note c , and p. f [Ibid. pp. 6 13.]
51, note c .]
P 2
212 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1630. Mail 29. paulo ante horam pr imam post meridiem s. I was in
the house three hours before, and had the hoiiout
and happiness to see the Prince, before he was full
one hour old h .
Junii 27. Sunday, I had the honour, as Dean of the chapel,
my Lord s Grace of Cant, being infirm, to christen
Prince Charles at St. James s, hora fere quinta
pomeridiana.
Aug. 22. Sunday, I preached at Fulham \ &c.
Aug. 24. Tuesday, S. Bartholomew, Extreme thunder,
lightning, and rain. The pestilence this summer
The greatest week in London was seventy-three c
Pestis. 7 Octol. ad 14 ; spread in many places, miserablj
in Cambridge j . The winter before was extreme
wet ; and scarce one week of frost.
Fames. This harvest scarce : a great dearth in France
England, the Low Countries, &c.
Oct. 6. Wednesday, I was taken with an extreme cole
and lameness, as I was waiting upon St. George hi:
feast at Windsor ; and forced to return to Fulham
where I continued ill above a week.
Oct. 29. Friday, I removed my family from Fulham t<
London-house.
Nov. 4. Thursday, Leighton was degraded at the Higl
Commission k .
Nov. 9. Tuesday, That night Leighton broke out of thi
Fleet. The warden says, he got or was helped ove
the wall j the warden professes, he knew not this til
Wednesday noon. He told it not me till Thursday
night. He was taken again in Bedfordshire, am
brought back to the Fleet within a fortnight *.
Nov. 26. Friday, Part of his sentence was executed upoi
him at Westminster m .
[See thanksgiving on this occa- k [See Kushworth s Collections, vo!
sion, above, p. 103.] iii. Appendix, p. 29.]
h [See the King s letter, announcing [See an account of his escape in ;
the Prince s birth to the Bishop, in letter of Joseph Mede to Sir Martin
Prynne s Breviate, p. 16.] Stutcville. Birch s Court of Charles 1
1 [Dr. Cluet, Archdeacon of Mid- vol. ii. pp. 79, 80. The parties wh
dlesex, was then Vicar.] aided in his escape were proceedet
J [The severity of the plague in against in Star Chamber. Rush
Cambridge is mentioned in several worth s Collections, vol. iii. Appendix
letters of Joseph Mede. See Birch s p. 32.]
Court of Charles I. vol. ii. pp. 72. 74, m [Ibid. pp. 81- -83.]
75. 78, 79. 81.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAtJD. 213
7. Tuesday, The King sware the peace with Spain : A,D. 1630.
Don C. Colonna was ambassador n .
Dec. 25. I preached to the King, Christmas-day,
an. 16. Sunday, I consecrated St. Catherine Creed Church
in London .
an. 21. The Lord Wentworth, Lord President of the
North P, and I, &c. In my little chamber at London -
house, Friday.
an. 23. I consecrated the Church of St. Giles in the
Fields, Sundays.
Feb. 20. This Sunday morning, Westminster- Hall was
found on fire, by the burning of the little shops
or stalls kept there ; it was thought, by some
pan of coals left there over night : it was taken in
time.
Feb. 23. Ash-Wednesday, I preached in Court at White-
Hall.
Mar. 20. Sunday, His Majesty put his great case of con
science to me, about, &c. ; which I after answered.
God bless him in it.
The famine great this time : but in part by
practice.
An. 1631.
Vlar. 27. Coronation day, and Sunday, I preached at St.
Paul s Cross r .
A^pril 10. Easter Monday, I fell ill with great pain in my
throat, for a week. It was with cold taken after
heat in my service, and then into an ague. A fourth
part almost of my family sick this spring.
une 7. Tuesday, I consecrated the Chapel at Hammer
smith s .
11 [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. Haywood, the Archbishop s Chaplain.
. p. 75.] See a description of the interior of
[See the burlesque account of this this Church in Hierurgia Anglicana,
consecration, in Prynne s Cant. Doom, pp. 69, 70.]
pp. 113, 114. These consecrations r [More correctly the day of the
formed one of the charges against the King s accession. This sermon was
Archbishop at his trial. See Hist, of not printed till 1645. It is the seventh
Troubles and Trial, chap. xxxv. pp. sermon in the collected edition.]
339, 340, in marg.] * [See the prayer on laying the first
P [Afterwards the celebrated Earl stone of this chapel, March 11, 1629,
of Straffbrde.] above, p. 96. The chapel was dedi-
1 [See Prynne s Cant. Doom, pp. cated by the name of S. Paul. (New-
119, 120. Roger Manwaring was then court, Repert. vol. i. p. 610.)]
Rector ; he was succeeded by Wm.
214 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1631. June 21. Tuesday, My nearer acquaintance began to
Junii 26. Saturday, settle with Do. S.* I pray God bless
D. S. us in it.
My business with L. T. u , &c., about the trees
which the King had given me in Shotover, towards
my building in S. John s at Oxford \ Which work
I resolved on in November last. And published it
to the College about the end of March. This day
discovered unto me that which I was sorry to find
in L. T. and F. C. y , sed transeat.
Julii 26. The first stone was laid of my building at St.
John s.
Aug. 23. In this June and July were the great disorders in
Oxford, by appealing from Doctor Smith then Vice-
Chancellor . The chief ringleaders were Mr. Foord of
Magdalen-Hall, and Mr. Thorne of Baliol College z .
The Proctors, Mr. Atherton Bruch and Mr. John
Doughty, received their appeals, as if it had not
been perturbatio pads, &c. a
The Vice-Chancellor was forced in a statutable
way to appeal to the King.
The King with all the Lords of his Council then
present, heard the cause at Woodstock, Aug. 23,
1631, being Tuesday in the afternoon.
The sentence upon the hearing was : That Foord.,
Thorne, and Hodges of Exeter Coll. 1 , should be
banished the University. And both the Proctors
were commanded to come into the Convocation
House, and there resign their office ; that two others
might be named out of the same Colleges. Doctor
Prideaux, Rector of Exeter Coll., and Dr. Wilkin
son, Principal of Mag. Hall, received a sharp admo
nition for their misbehaviour in this business.
1 [ of Exeter Coll. in marg.]
1 [Prynne suggests that this may be of timber towards their erection.]
Dr. Smith, Bp. of Chalcedon. See r [Sir Francis Cottington. ]
Cant. Doom, p. 454.] z [See History of Chancellorship,
u [The Lord Treasurer.] pp. 4970.]
* [An account of these buildings is * [This was forbidden by statute,
in Wood s Hist, of Colleges and Halls, See Corp. Stat. Univ. Oxon. tit. xxi.
pp. 547, 548. The King gave 200 tons 16, and authorities quoted in marg.]
OF ARCKBISHOP LAUD. 215
Aug. 29. Monday, I went to Burntwood, and the next A.D. 1631.
day began my visitation there, and so went on and
finished it b .
Nov. 4. Friday, The Lady Mary, Princess, born at St.
James s, inter horas quintam et sextam matutinas c .
It was thought, she was born three weeks before
her time.
I preached at Court.
The extreme wet and warm January, that ever
was known in memory.
15. I preached at Court, Ash- Wednesday.
19. D. S. came to my chamber, troubled about going
quite from Court at spring. First Sunday in Lent,
after sermon.
An. 1632.
I preached at Court. Easter-day.
Saturday, Trinity Sunday-eve, I consecrated the
Lord Treasurer s Chapel at Eoehampton d .
Tuesday, My meeting and settling upon express
terms with K. B. in the gallery at Greenwich. In
which business God bless me.
Mr. Francis Windebancke, my old friend, was
sworn Secretary of State e ; which place I obtained
for him of my gracious master King Charles.
Junii 18. Monday, I married my Lord Treasurer Weston s
eldest son f , to the Lady Frances, daughter to the
Duke of Lenox %, at Roehampton.
Monday, D. S. with me at Fulham, cum Ma., &c.
This was the coldest June clean through, that
was ever felt in my memory.
Tuesday, Doctor Juxon, the Dean of Worcester,
b [The Diocese had already been place of trust by Canterbury, and what
visited by Laud in 1628. See Visita- good service he did the Priests, Je-
tion Articles in vol. v.] suits, Nuncio, Papists, Pope, and his
c [See Thanksgiving on this occa- Nuncios therein, will appear in the
sion, above, p. 104.] sequel of this narration." (Hidden
d [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, Works, pp. 122, 123.)]
chap. xxxv. p. 341, in marg. This f [Jerome Weston, his father s suc-
chapel was pulled down in 1777.] cessor in the title. He died 1662.]
e [In the room of Dudley Carleton, * [The youngest daughter of Esme
Yisc. Dorchester, who had died the Stuart, third Duke of Lennox, and
previous Ash-Wednesday. Prynne re- second Duke of Richmond, whose
marks on this entry, " To what end death is mentioned above, Feb. 16,
this instrument was advanced to this 1623.]
216 THE DIARY OP THE LltfE
A.I>. 1032. Julii 10, at my suit sworn Clerk of his Majesty s Closet*
That I might have one that I might trust near his
Majesty, if I grow weak or infirm ; as I must have
a time.
Julii 17. Tuesday, I consecrated the church at Stanmore
Magna in Middlesex, built by Sir Jo. Wolstenham h .
The cold summer, harvest not in within forty
miles of London after Michaelmas, &c.
Dec. 2. Sunday, The small-pox appeared upon his Ma
jesty ; but God be thanked, he had a very gentle
disease of it 1 .
Dec. 27. Thursday, The Earl of Arun. set forward towards
the Low Countries, to fetch the Q. of Bohemia and
her children k .
Dec. 25. I preached to the King, Christmas-day 1 .
Jan. 1. My being with K. B. this day in the afternoon . .
K. B ........... troubled me much -, God send me a
good issue out of it.
The warm open Christmas.
Jan. 15. Tuesday, K. B. and I unexpectedly came to some
K. B. clearer declaration of ourselves. Which God bless.
Feb. 11. Monday night, till Tuesday morning, the great
fire upon London Bridge .... Houses burnt down.
Feb. 13. Wednesday, The feoffees, that pretended to buy
in impropriations, were dissolved in the Chequer
Chamber m . They were the main instruments for
h [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, Queen declined visiting England.]
chap. xxxv. p. 342, in marg. The l [" On Christmas-day, not only
church was consecrated by the name Bishop White, the Almoner, in his
of S. John the Evangelist. (See N"ew- morning sermon to the household, but
court, Reperb. vol. i. p. 729.) Heylin the Bishop of London also ^n his,
(Cypr. Angl. p. 201) mentions that some two hours after, to the K ng,
Bray and himself were chaplains on made some sharp invectives against
this occasion. some points of Popery; and, whit")
Sir John Wolstenholme was one of was much marvelled at by the audi-
the Farmers of the Customs, and took tory, quoted Calvin divers times with
great interest in the Arctic discoveries respect; which when Ph. Burlamachi
of that time.] was told in my presence, he said it
1 [See the thanksgiving for the was a good julep against a Par-
King s recovery, above, p. 104. Verses liament." Mr. Pory to Sir Thomas
were published by the University of Puckering, Jan. 3, 1632-3. Birch s
Oxford on this occasion, entitled, Court of Charles I. vol. ii. pp. 213,
" Musaruni Oxoniensium pro Rege 211.]
pta."] m [See the proceedings in Rush-
[Thomas, Earl of Arundel, men- worth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. 150,
tioned above, p. 191. The King of seq.]
Bohemia had died Nov. 20. The
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 217
the Puritan faction to undo the Church, The AD. 1632.
criminal part reserved.
Feb. 28. Mr. Chancellor of London, Dr. Duck, brought
me word how miserably I was slandered by some
separatists. I pray God give me patience and for
give them.
Mar. 6. Ash Wednesday, I preached at White- Hall.
An. 1633.
April 13. The great business at the Council-table, &c.
When the E. of Holland 11 made his submission to
the King.
This April was most extreme wet, and cold, and
windy.
Maii 13. Monday, I set out of London, to attend King
Charles into Scotland.
Maii 24. The King was to enter into York in state. The
day was extreme wind and rain, that he could not,
all day long. I called it York Friday.
Junii 6. I came to Barwick. That night I dreamed that
K, B. K. B. sent to riie in Westminster church, that he
was now as desirous to see me, as I him, and that
he was then entering into the church. I went with
joy, but met another in the middle of the church,
who seemed to know the business, and laughed;
but K. B. was not there.
Junii 8. Saturday, Whitsun-eve, I received letters from
K. B. K. B. unalterable, &c. By this, if I return, I shall
see how true or false my dream is, &c.
Junii 15. Saturday, I was sworn Counsellor of Scotland.
Junii 18. Tuesday after Trinity Sunday, King Charles
crowned at Holyrood Church in Edinburgh . I
never saw more expressions of joy, than were after
it, &c.
Junii 19. Wednesday, I received second letters from K. B.
K. B. no changeling, &c.
11 [Henry Rich, Earl of Holland.] Archbishop of Glasgow, in thrusting
[The ceremony was performed by him aside during the ceremony for
Archbishop Spottiswoode, and the not wearing his Canonical dress, and
sermon preached by Lindsay, Bishop putting the Bishop of Ross in his
of Brechin. Laud is accused of having place. (Rush worth s Collections, vol.
acted in an overbearing way to the ii. p. 182.)]
218 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1633. K. B, Within three hours after, other letters from K. B.
Believe all that I say, &c.
Junii 29. Friday, Letters from K. B. no D. true, if not to
K. B. my contentment, &c.
Junii 30. I preached to his Majesty in the chapel in Holy-
rood House in Edinburgh P.
Julii 1. Monday, I went over Forth, to Brunt Island.
Julii 2. Tuesday, To St. Andrews.
Julii 3. Wednesday, Over Taye, to Dunde.
Julii 4. Thursday, To Faukland.
Julii 7. Sunday, To S. Johnston.
Julii 8. Monday, To Dunblain and Sterling. My dan
gerous and cruel journey, crossing part of the
Highlands by coach, which was a wonder there.
Julii 9. Tuesday, To Lithcoe, and so to Edinburgh.
Julii 10. Wednesday, His Majesty s dangerous passage
from Brunt Island to Edinburgh.
Julii 11. Thursday, I began my journey from Edinburgh
towards London.
Julii 13. Friday, That night at Anderweek, I dreamed
that L. L. came and offered to sit above me at
the Co. Ta., and that L. H. came in, and placed
him there *.
Julii 20. Saturday, The King came from Scotland, to
Greenwich; having come post from Barwick in
four days.
Julii 26. Friday, I came to my house at Fulham, from
Scotland.
Julii 28. Sunday, K. B. and I met. All the strange dis-
K. B. courses mistaken. And that which was a very high
tide at was then the lowest ebb at
Greenwich that ever I saw. I went away much
Aug. 3. troubled; but all settled again well, Saturday fol
lowing.
Aug. 4. Sunday, News came to Court of the Lord Arch-
P [Clarendon remarks, (Hist, of Re- monies of the Church, with all the
bell. vol. i. p. 146,) " He preached in marks of approbation and applause
the Royal Chapel at Edinburgh, imaginable."]
(which scarce any Englishman had 1 [Hacket (Life of Williams, par.
done before in the King s presence,) ii. p. 85) refers to this passage, and
and principally upon the benefit of explains the initials to mean the
conformity, and the reverend cere- Bishop of Lincoln, and Lord Holland.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 219
bishop of Cant/s death ; and the King resolved A.D. 1633.
presently to give it me. Which he did, Aug. 6 r .
Aug. 4. That very morning, at Greenwich, there came
one to me, seriously, and that avowed ability to
perform it, and offered me to be a Cardinal : I went
presently to the King, and acquainted him both
with the thing and the person.
Aug. 7. Wednesday, An absolute settlement between me
K.B. and K. B., after I had made known my case at
large. God bless me in it.
Aug. 14. Wednesday, A report brought to me, that I was
poisoned.
Aug. 17. Saturday, I had a serious offer made me again to
be a Cardinal : I was then from Court, but so soon
as I came thither (which was Wednesday, Aug. 21)
I acquainted his Majesty with it. But my answer
again was, that somewhat dwelt within me, which
would not suffer that, till Rome were other than it is.
Aug. 25. Sunday, My election to the Arch-Bp. was re
turned to the King, then being at Woodstock.
Sept. 19. Thursday, I was translated to the Arch-Bishop
ric of Canterbury. The Lord make me able, &c.
18. The day before, when I first went to Lambeth,
my coach, horses, and men sank to the bottom of
Thames in the ferry-boat, which was over-laden ; but,
I praise God for it, I lost neither man nor horse.
A wet summer, and by it a casual harvest. The
rainy weather continuing till Novemb. 14, which
made a marvellous ill seed-time. There was barley
abroad this year, within 30 miles of London, at the
end of October.
Nov. 13. Wednesday, Richard Boyer, who had formerly
named himself Lodowick, was brought into the
Star Chamber, for most grossly misusing me, and
accusing me of no less than treason, &c. He had
broke prison for felony when he did this. His
censure is upon record 3 . And God forgive him.
r [The Conge d etre is dated Aug. VIII. iv. p. 60.)]
12; the royal assent to the election, s [See Hush worth s Collections, vol.
Sept. 4; and the restitution of the iii. Appendix, pp. 64, 65.]
temporalities, Sept. 23. (Rymer, Feed.
220 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1033. Nov. 13. About the beginning of this month the Lady
Davis prophesied against me, that I should very
few days outlive the fifth of November*.
And a little after that, one Green came into the
court at St. James s, with a great sword by his side,
swearing, the King should do him justice against
me, or he would take another course with me. All
the wrong I ever did this man was, that being a
poor printer, I procured him of the Company of
the Stationers 5/. a-year during his life. God
preserve me, and forgive him. He was committed
to Newgate.
Nov. 24. Sunday, in the afternoon, I christened King
Charles his second son, James Duke of York. At
St. James s u .
Dec. 10 Twice or thrice in the interim, I advertised his
and 29. Majesty of the falsehood and practice that was
against me, by L. T. v , &c. This brake out then 1 .
Jan. 1. The way to do the -town of Reading good for their
poor ; which may be compassed by God s blessing
upon me, though my wealth be small. And I hope
God will bless me in it, because it was His own
motion in me. For this way never came into my
thoughts (though I had much beaten them about
it) till this night, as I was at my prayers. Amen,
Lord w .
An. 1634.
Mar. 30. Palm Sunday, I preached to the King at White-
Hall.
Maii 13. I received the seals of my being chose Chancellor
of the University of Dublin in Ireland. To which
1 [ This . . . then. in marg.]
1 [Eleanor, the youngest daughter in Ballard s Learned Ladies. Heylin
of George, Earl of Castlehaven, and (Cypr. Angl. p. 250) mentions several
widow of Sir John Davies, Attorney- amusing anagrams made on her name.]
General for Ireland. She laid claim u [See above, p. 105.]
to prophetical powers, and published v [The Lord Treasurer.]
in 1649 a volume of her strange and w [See the list of Projects at the end
wonderful prophecies. She is said to of Diary, No. xvi. An account of this
have foretold the day of her husband s benefaction to Reading is given in
death. She was brought for these Original Letters, &c. relating to the
follies before the High Commission Benefactions of Archbishop Laud to
Court. A full account of her is given the County of Berks. Loud. 1841.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 221
Mail 13. office I was chosen Sept. 14, 1633. There were A.D. 1634.
now, and somewhat before, great fractions in Court :
and I doubt, many private ends followed, to the pre
judice of public service. Good Lord, preserve me.
Junii 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very libellous letter, about
his censure in the Star Chamber for his Histrio-
mastix x , and what I said at that censure ; in which
he hath many ways mistaken me, and spoken un
truth of me.
Junii 16. I showed this letter to the King; and by his
command sent it to Mr. Attorney Noye.
Junii 17. Mr. Attorney sent for Mr. Prynn to his chamber,
showed him the letter, asked him whether it were
his hand. Mr. Prynn said, he could not tell, unless
he might read it. The letter being given into his
hand, he tore it into small pieces, threw it out at
the window, and said, that should never rise in
judgment against him : fearing, it seems, an Ore
tenus for this.
Junii 18. Mr. Attorney brought him, for this, into the
Star Chamber ; where all this appeared with shame
enough to Mr. Prynn. I there forgave him, &c. y
Julii 26. I received word from Oxford, that the statutes
were accepted, and published, according to my
letters, in the Convocation House that week 2 .
Aug. 9. Saturday, Mr. William Noye, his Majesty s
Attorney- General, died at Brainford, circa horam
Aug. 10. noctis decimam. And Sunday morning, his servant
brought me word of it to Croydon, before I was out
of my bed. I have lost a dear friend of him, and
the Church the greatest she had of his condition,
since she needed any such.
Aug. 11. One Rob. Seal, of St. Alban s, came to me to
Croydon ; told me somewhat wildly about a vision
he had at Shrovetide last, about not preaching the
word sincerely to the people. And a hand appeared
unto him, and death ; and a voice bid him go tell
1 [Sec an account of Prynne s cen- y [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
sure in Rush worth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. 247 249.]
ii. pp. 220, seq. No mention is made z [See Hist, of Chancellorship, pp.
of the Archbishop s speech.] 101 104.]
222 THE DIARY OE THE LIFE
1634. Aug. 11. it the Metropolitan of Lambeth, and made him
swear he would do so ; and I believe the poor man
was overgrown with fancy. So I troubled not my
self further, with him, or it.
Aug. 30. Saturday, At Oatlands the Queen sent for me,
and gave me thanks for a business with which she
trusted me; her promise then, that she would be
my friend, and that I should have immediate address
to her, when I had occasion a .
Sept. 30. I had almost fallen into a fever with a cold I
took ; and it held me above three weeks.
Oct. 20. The extreme hot and faint October and Novem
ber, save three days frost, the dryest and fairest time.
The leaves not all off the trees at the beginning
of December. The waters so low, that the barges
could not pass. God bless us in the spring, after
this green winter.
Dec. 1. Monday, My ancient friend, E. R., came to me,
aud performed great kindness, which I may not
forget.
Dec. 4. I visited the Arches, it was Thursday.
Dec. 10. Wednesday, That night the frost began, the
Thames almost frozen ; and it continued until the
Sunday sevennight after.
Dec. 15. X. E. R. 1
Janua. 8. Thursday, I married the Lord Charles Herbert b
and the Lady Mary, daughter to the Duke of Buck
ingham, in the closet at White-Hall.
Janua. 5. Monday night, being Twelfth-eve, the frost began
1 [< X. E. E. in marg.]
a [Heylin (Cypr. Angl. p. 287) sug- eldest son of Philip Earl of Pembroke,
gests, that the passages which speak He died shortly afterwards, and his
of Laud s interviews with the Queen, widow married, secondly, James Duke
may refer to the coming of Panzani of Richmond and Lennox, (see below,
into England, for whom the Queen Aug. 3, 1637,) and thirdly, Thomas
wished to obtain a favourable re- Howard, brother to Charles Earl of
ception. They were urged against Carlisle. Her marriage with Charles
him at his trial, (Hist, of Troubles Herbert was urged prematurely for-
and Trial, chap. xl. pp. 382, 383,) ward, because she had begun to set
and he expressly states, " As for re- her affections on his younger brother
ligion, as there is no word of it in my Philip. See Garrard s Letter to the
Diary, so neither was it at this time Lord Deputy Wentworth, Jan. 11,
thought on." See Prynne s remarks on 1634-5, Strafforde Letters, vol. i. p.
these passages, Cant. Doom, p. 418.] 359.]
b [Charles Lord Herbert was the
OF AUCHBISHOP LAUD. 223
Janua. 5. again ; the Thames was frozen over, and continued A.D. 1634.
so till February 3, 1634.
A mighty flood at the thaw 1 .
Feb. 5. Thursday, I was put into the great Committee of
trade and the King s revenue, &c.
Mar. 1. Sunday, The great business, which the King
commanded me to think on and give him account,
and L. T.
Mar. 14. Saturday, I was named one of the Commissioners
for the Exchequer, upon the death of Rich. Lord
Weston, Lord High Treasurer of England.
K. B. That evening, K. B. sent to speak with me at
White- Hall, a great deal of free and clear expression,
if it will continue.
Mar. 16. Monday, I was called against the next day into
the Foreign Committee, by the King.
Mar. 22. Palm Sunday, I preached to the King at White-
Hall.
An. 1635.
April 9. Wednesday, and from thenceforward, all in firm
K. B. kindness between K. B. and me.
Maii 18. Whitsun Monday, At Greenwich, my account to
Maii 24. the Queen put off" till Trinity Sunday, then given
her by myself. And assurance of all that v r as
desired by me c , &c. 2
May, In these months, the troubles at the Commission
June, for the Treasury, and the difference which happened
July. between the Lord Cottington and myself, &c. d
Julii 11. Saturday, "I Two sad meetings with K.B. and
Julii 22. Wednesday, j how occasioned.
Julii 12. Sunday, At Theobalds the soap business was
ended, and settled again upon the new corporation,
against my offer for the old soap boilers; yet my
offer made the King s profit double ; and to that,
after two 3 years, the new corporation was raised ;
1 [ A ... thaw. in marg.j 2 [A passage here erased.]
3 [From thence to end of paragraph written on opposite side.]
c [See Prynne s remark on this pas- d [See Clarendon, Hist, of Rebellion,
sage, Cant. Doom, p. 418.] vol. i. p. 174.]
224 THE DIARY OF TUB LIFE
A.D. 1035. Julii 12. how tis performed, let them look to it, whom his
Majesty shall be pleased to trust with his Treasurer s
staff. In this business and some other of great
consequence, during the Commission for the Trea
sury, my old friend, Sir F. W., forsook me, and
joined with the L. Cottington; which put me to
the exercise of a great deal of patience, &c.
Aug. 16. Sunday-night, Most extreme thunder and light
ning. The lightning so thick, bright, and frequent,
I do not remember that I ever saw.
Sept. 2. Wednesday, I was in attendance upon the King
at Woodstock ; and went thence to Cudsden, to see
the house which Dr. John Bancroft, then L. Bp.
of Oxford, had there built, to be a house for the
Bps. of that See for ever 6 . He having built that
house at my persuasion.
Sept. 3. Thursday, I went privately from the Bp. of
Oxford s house at Cudsden, to S. John s in Oxford,
to see my building there, and give some directions
for the last finishing of it. And returned the same
night, staying there not two hours.
Sept. 23. Wednesday, I went to Saint Paul s to view the
building, and returned that night to Croydon.
Sept. 24 Scalding Thursday.
Sef> t. 29. The Earl of Arundel brought an old man out of
Shropshire. He was this present Michaelmas-day
showed to the King and the Lords, for a man of
152 or 153 years of age f .
Oct. 26. Monday, This morning between four and five of
the clock, lying at Hampton Court, I dreamed that
I was going out in haste, and that when I came
into my outer chamber, there was my servant,
Wi. Pennell, in the same riding suit which he had
on that day sevennight at Hampton Court with
me. Methoughts I wondered to see him, (for I
left him sick at home,) and asked him how he did,
and what he made there. And that he answered
me, he came to receive my blessing ; and with that
e [See the King s Instructions to f [This was Thomas Parr, the me-
Abp. Laud, xiii. in Annual Accounts morable instance of longevity. He
of Province, A.D. 1634. Works, vol. v.] was born in 1483.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 225
26. fell on his knees. That hereupon I laid my hand AD. 1635,
on his head, and prayed over him, and therewith
awaked. When I was up, I told this to them of
my chamber; and added, that I should find Fennel I
dead or dying. My coach came ; and when I came
home, I found him past sense, and giving up the
ghost. So my prayers (as they had frequently
before) commended him to God.
15. Sunday, At afternoon the greatest tide that hath
been seen. It came within my gates, walks, cloisters,
and stables, at Lambeth.
21. Saturday, Charles Count Elector Palatine s came
to White-Hall, to the King.
This month the plague, which was hot in some
parts of France and in the Low Countries, and
Flanders, began at Greenwich. God be merciful
unto us.
30. Saint Andrew s-day, Monday, Charles Frince
Elector Falatine, the King s nephew, was with me
at Lambeth, and at solemn evening prayer.
1 . Many elm leaves yet upon the trees ; which few
men have seen.
14. Monday, Charles Frince Elector came suddenly
upon me, and dined with me at Lambeth.
25. Christmas-day, Charles F. Elector received the
Communion with the King at White-Hall. He
kneeled a little beside on his left hand. He sat
before the Communion upon a stool by the wall
before the traverse ; and had another stool and a
cushion before him to kneel at.
28. Monday, Innocents -day, About ten at night,
the Queen was delivered at St. James s, of a
daughter, Frincess Elizabeth. I christened her on
Saturday following.
Tuesday, Candlemas-day, My nearer care of
J. S. h was professed, and his promise to be guided
by me ; and absolutely settled on Friday after.
* [Charles Louis, the eldest sur- mean John Selden, who was induced
viving son of Fred. Elector Palatine, by Archbishop Laud, at this very
and Elizabeth, King Charles s sister.] time, to publish his " Mare clausum."
11 [It is suggested, that J. S. may (Heylin Cypr. Ang. p. 303.)]
LAUD. VOL. III. Q
226 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1335. Feb. 14. Sunday night. My honest old servant, Rich. Ro
binson *, died of an apoplexy.
Feb. 28. I consecrated Doctor Roger Manwaring, Bishop
of Saint David s J.
Mar. 6. Sunday, William Juxon, L. Bp. of London, made
Lord High Treasurer of England k . No Church
man had it since Henry 7. time 1 . I pray God
bless him to carry it so, that the Church may have
honour, and the King and the State service and
contentment by it. And now if the Church will
not hold up themselves under God, I can do no
more.
An. 1636.
April 7. Thursday, The bill came in this day, that two
died of the plague in Whitechapel. God bless us
through the year.
An extreme dry and hot April and May, till the
middle of June.
Maii 16. Monday, The settlement between L. M. St. and
M. St. me. God bless me, &c.
Maii 17. Tuesday, I visited the Dean and Chapter of St.
Paul s, London, &c. m
Maii 19. Thursday, The agreement between me and L.
K. CH. K. Ch. which began very strangely, and ended just
as I thought it would.
5 [See above, at July 23, 1624.] man he thought might best be found
J [See above, p. 207, notes and h .] among the Clergy, and among the
k [Thomas Crosfield, Fellow of Clergy I judge you, my Lord of Lon-
Queen s College, Oxford, from whose don, the fittest, since you have no
Diary many extracts are given in the children, &c. to the like effect ; and
notes to the Archbishop s History of so delivered him a staff in token of
his Chancellorship, gives the follow- possession of the place. Afterward
ing anecdote relative to this appoint- he was sworn at the Lord Keeper s
ment : "March 9. The manner of house, by special commission from
the Lord Treasurer, i.e. the Bishop of the King."]
London, was thus : Upon Ash Wed- ! [ Henry the Vlth, viz. anno 1454,
nesday he was appointed to preach ; when Wm. Grey, Bp. of Ely, was pos-
after sermon the King thanked him. sessedof it. Biogr. Brit. Art. Juxo
Then in the Council-house, at the p. 2792, note 4 .J
table, the Earl of Pembroke being by, m [The Dean and Chapter had pe-
the King said, that the Treasurer s titioned to the King not to be visited,
place had been some space void, and But their petition was rejected. See
it was a place that concerned him Wilkins s Concilia, vol. iv. p. 524.
nearly to place a man in, that might The Articles of Inquiry, and the In-
be discreet and provident for the junctions grounded on the replies of I
good of his children which God had the Chapter to those Articles, are
blessed him with. Such a conscionable published in vol. v.]
OF AIICHBISHOP LAUD. 227
Junii 21. Tuesday, My hearing before the King about my A.D. 1636,
right to visit both the Universities jure metro-
politico. It was ordered with me. The hearing
was at Hampton Court n .
Junii 22. Wednesday, The statutes of Oxford finished, and
published in Convocation .
Aug. 3. Wednesday night, Towards the morning, I
Aug. 4. dreamed, that L. M. St. came to me the next day,
and showed me all the kindness I could ask. And
that Thursday he did come, and was very kind
towards me. Somniis tamen hand multum fido.
Aug. 19. "Friday, I was in great danger of breaking my
right leg. But God be blessed; for His providence
only delivered me.
Aug. 29. Monday, King Charles and Q. Mary entered
Oxford; being to be there entertained by me as
Chancellor of the University P.
Aug. SO. On Tuesday, I entertained them at St. John s
College. It was St. Felix his day ; and all passed
happily \ Charles Prince Elector Palatine, and his
brother, Prince Rupertus, was there. These two
were present in Convocation ; and, with other
nobles, were made Masters of Arts.
Aug. 31. Wednesday, They left Oxford, and I returned
homewards the day after ; having first entertained
all the Heads of Houses together.
Oct. 14. Friday night, I dreamed marvellously, that the
King was offended with me, and would cast me off ,
and tell me no cause why. Avertat Deus, For
cause I have given none.
Nov. 4. Friday night, The most extreme wind that ever
I heard ; and much hurt done by sea and by land.
Twice or thrice since, thunder and lightning
and hail.
Nov. 20. Sunday night, My fearful dream. Mr. Cobb c
brought me word, &c.
1 [ and . . . happily. in marg ]
11 [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. pp. 124, seq.]
ii. pp. 324332; and Wilkins s Con- P [Ibid. pp. 148, seq ]
cilia, vol. iv. pp. 525. 528, 529.] 1 [Two persons of this name are
[See History of Chancellorship, mentioned in the Archbishop s will.]
228 THE DIARY OF TilE LIEE
A.U. 1036. Dec. 21. Saturday, Christmas-eve, That night I dreamed
I went to seel; M. St., and found him with his
mother sitting in the room. It was a fair chamber.
He went away, and I went after, but missed him ;
and after tired myself extremely ; but neither could
1 find him, nor so much as the house again.
An. 1637.
Mar. 17. Thursday, I christened the Lady Princess Ann^
and 30. King Charles his third daughter. She was born on
Friday, March 17.
JuuiilO. My book of the Records in the Tower, which
concerned the Clergy, and which I caused to be
collected, and written in vellum, was brought me
finished. Tis ab aim. 20. Ed. I. ad aim. 14. Ed. IV. 1
Junii 1 1. This day, Jo. Bastwick, Dr. of Physic; Hen.
Burton, Batch, of Divinity ; and Wi. Prynne, Bar
rister at Law, were censured for their libels against
the Hierarchy of the Church, &c. a
Jiinii26 t . The speech I then spake in the Star Chamber,
was commanded by the King to be printed. And
it came out Junii the 25.
Junii 26. This day, Monday, the Prince Elector, and his
brother Prince Rupert, began their journey toward
the sea-side, to return for Holland.
Junii 30. Friday, The above-named three libellers lost their
cars.
Julii 7. Friday, A note was brought to me of a short
libel pasted on the cross in Cheapside : That the
Arch- Wolf of Cant, had his hand in persecuting
the saints and shedding the blood of the martyrs.
Memento for the last of June l .
1 [ last of June. now lost in MS.]
r Tt is a very noble and fair volume, dedicata Oul. Laud Archicp. Cantuar.,
in folio, curiously written, and richly cujus impens. Codex exaratus 1 uit,
bound. It is still kept in the Library qui mira pulchritudine tuque ac cura
at Lambeth. 11. W. descriptus eat. Subjungitur Index.
[See MSS. Lambeth. Numb. 323. See list of Projects at the end of the
The volume is thus described : Jura Diary. Numb, xix.]
et Privilegia Clero Anglicano adju- " [See a further notice of these per-
dicata, ex Parliamentorum Rotulis, sons in the notes to the Archbishop s
ab anno 20. Edw. 1. ad ami. 14. Speech at their censure, in vol. vi.]
Edw. IV. deprompta, 1637. Scripta Forsan 16. II. W.
a Gulielmo Keylcy Blcwnumtlc ; et
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 229
Julii 1 1 . Tuesday, Dr. Williams, Lord Bishop of Lincoln, A.D. 1637.
was censured in the Star Chamber, for tampering
and corrupting of witt. u in the King s cause; and
Julii 24. Julii 24, being Monday, he was suspended by the
High Commission, &c. x
Aug. 3. Thursday, I married James Duke of Lenox, to
the Lady Mary Villars, sole daughter to the L.
Duke of Buckingham y. The marriage was in my
chapel at Lambeth ; the day very rainy ; the King
present.
Wednesday, My L. Mayor sent me a libel found
by the watch at the south gate of S. Paul s : That
the devil had let that house to me, &c.
Friday, Another libel brought me by an officer
of the High Commiss., fastened to the north gate
of S. Paul s : That the Government of the Church
of England is a candle in the snuff, going out in a
stench.
The same day, at night, my Lord Mayor sent me
another libel, hanged upon the standard in Cheap-
side. My speech in the Star Chamber, set in a
kind of pillory, &c.
Tuesday, Another short libel against me, in verse.
Sunday, A great noise about the perverting of
the La. Newport 7i . Speech of it at the Council a .
My free speecli there to the King, concerning the
increasing of the Roman party, the freedom at Den
mark House, the carriage of Mr. Wai. Montague b
u Witnesses. II. W. chamber longer than his sickness
x [See A.rchbishop Laud s speech on would have detained him ; and Don
this occasion, in vol. vi. A detailed Tobiah was in such perplexity, that
account of the proceedings is given in I find he will make a very ill man to
Kushworth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. be a martyr, but now the dog doth
416 449.] again wag his tail." Lord Vine. Con-
y [See above, p. 222.] way to the Lord Deputy, (without
" [The wife of Montjoy Blount, na- date.) Strafforde Letters, vol. ii. p.
tural son of Charles Blount, Earl of 125.]
Devonshire, by Lady llich, to whom b [Walter Montague, younger son
he was afterwards married. He wa.s of. Henry first Earl of Manchester,
created Earl of Newport, Aug. 3,1028.] He became llomauist in 1635 ; and on
a ["My Lord Newport was so fierce retiring to France was appointed, by
in complaining for his wife being the interest of the Queen mother, first
made a Papist, that the matter was Abbot of Nanteuil, afterwards Abbot
debated at the Council-table, where of S. Martin, near Pontoise, and ulti-
the King did use such words of Wat mately (it is said) Archbishop of Gui-
Montague and Sir Tobie Matthew, enrie. (Sec Biog. Brit. p. 4047. note O,
that the fright, made Wat keep his and Wood, F. 0. vol. ii. pp. 281, 235.)]
230 THE DIARY OE THE LIFE
A.D. 1637. Oct. 22. and Sr. Tobye Mattliewe c . The Queen acquainted
with all I said that very night ; and highly displeased
with me, and so continues.
Nov. 22. Wednesday, The extreme and unnatural hot win
ter weather began, and continued till Decemb. 8.
Dec. 12. Tuesday, I had speech with the Queen a good
space, and all about the business of Mr. Montague,
but we parted fair.
An. 1638.
April 29. The tumults in Scotland, about the Service-Book
offered to be brought in, began Julii 23, 1637, and
continued increasing by fits, and hath now brought
that kingdom in danger. No question, but there s
a great concurrence between them and the Puritan
party in England. A great aim there to destroy
me in the King s opinion, &c.
Maii 26. Saturday, James L. Marquess Hamilton set forth,
as the King s Commissioner 01 , to appease the tumults
in Scotland. God prosper him, for God and the
King. It was a very rainy day.
June. My visitation then began of Merton Coll. in
Oxford, by my visitors 6 ; was adjourned to my own
hearing, against, and upon Octob. 2.
Oct. 2, 3, 4. I sat upon this business these three days, and
adjourned it to Junii 1, inter horas primam et ter-
tiam, Lambeth. The Warden f appeared very foul.
Oct. 19. Friday, News was brought to us, as we sat in the
Star Chamber, That the Q. Mother of France e
was landed at Harwitch.
Many and great apprehensions upon this business.
c [Eldest son of Dr. Toby Matthew, England to the See of Rome. He died
Archbishop of York. He was con- in 1655, in the College of the English
verted to the Romish Church by the Jesuits at Ghent.]
persuasion of Parsons the Jesuit, and d [See the Commission in King
joined the Society of the Jesuits. On Charles s Large Declaration/ pp.77,
his return to England, from which he 78. Lond. 1639.]
had been absent some years, he was e [Their names are given in the
knighted by James L, Oct. 10, 1623. preamble to the Injunctions. See
He was taken into favour by Lord Works, vol. v.]
Strafforde, and went with him to f [Sir Nathaniel Brent.]
Ireland, where he remained only a [Mary de Medicis, driven from
short time. He was employed, ac- France by Card. Richelieu. The King
cording to Prynne, (Cant. Doom, p. went in state to meet her at liar-
456,) by Urban VII I., to reconcile wich.]
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 231
Oct. 19. Extreme windy and wet weather a week before A.D. 1038.
and after. The watermen called it, Q. Mother
weather/
Oct. 26. Friday, A most extreme tempest upon the
Thames. I was in it, going from the Star Cham
ber home, between six and seven at night. I was
never upon the water in the like storm ; and was in
great danger at my landing at Lambeth Bridge.
Oct. 31. Wednesday, The Q,. Mother came into London,
and so to S. James s h .
Nov. 13. Tuesday, The agreement between me and Ab.
A. S. S., &c.
Nov. 21. Wednesday, The General Assembly in Scotland
began to sit \
Nov. 29. Thursday, The proclamation issued out, for dis
solving the General Assembly in Scotland, under
pain of treason k .
Dec. 20. They sat notwithstanding ; and made many
strange acts 1 , till Decemb. 20, which was Thurs
day, and then they rose. But have indicted another
assembly against July next.
Jan. 14. Monday, About five at night, a most grievous
tempest of wind, thunder, lightning, and rain.
Feb. 10. My book against Fisher the Jesuit was printed m ;
and this day, being Sunday, I delivered a copy to
his Majesty.
Feb. 12. Tuesday night, I dreamed, that K. C. was to be
married to a minister s widow ; and that I was
called upon to do it. No Service-Book could be
found arid in my own book, which I had, I could
not find the Order for Marriage.
h [See an account of her reception to their ecclesiastical superiors ; de-
by Henrietta Maria, in Strickland s posed and excommunicated the two
Queens of England, vol. viii. p. 74. Archbishops with the greater number
Lond. 1845.] " of the Bishops, degraded the re-
1 [See the King s " Large Declara- mainder, and failed not to renew the
tion," p. 234.] expression of their abhorrence against
k [Ibid. pp. 290. 294.] the Canons, Liturgy, the Perth Arti-
1 [Bishop Kussell (Hist, of Church cles, and the High Commission."]
of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 169) sums up m [This was the first separate edi-
their proceedings in these words: tion. It will be remembered that it
" They condemned the several assem- first appeared as an Appendix to
blies by which Episcopacy had been White s "Reply to Jesuit Fisher s
sanctioned; released the ministers Answere." See above, p. 140, note" 1 .]
from the oaths which they had taken
232 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1639. An. 1639.
Mar. 27. Wednesday, Coronation- day", King Charles took
bis journey northward, against the Scottish cove
nanting rebels . God of His infinite mercy bless
him with health and success.
Mar. 29. Friday, An extreme fire in St. Olave s parish,
South wark : forty houses burnt down.
April 3. Wednesday, Before the King s going, I settled
with him a great business for the Queen ; which
I understood she would never move for herself.
The Q. gave me great thanks. And this day I
waited purposely on her, to give her thanks for her
gracious acceptance. She was pleased to be very
free with me, and to promise me freedom P.
April 29. Monday, This day the King went from York
toward Newcastle ; but stays at Durham for a week
at least.
Mail 8. His Majesty encamped two miles west from Bar-
wick by Tweed.
Junii 4. Whitsun Tuesday, As I was going to do my
duty to the Queen, an officer of the L. Mayor s
met me, and delivered to me two very seditious
papers; the one to the L. Mayor and Aldermen,
the other to excite the apprentices, &c. Both sub
scribed by Jo. Lilburn, a prisoner in the Fleet,
sentenced in the Star Chamber, &c.i
Junii 5. Wednesday, I delivered both these to the Lords
of the Council.
Junii 15. Saturday and Monday, The peace concluded
Junii 17. between the King and the Scottish rebels 1 ". God
make it safe and honourable to the King and the
kingdom.
" [See above, p. 213, note r .] News from Ipswich. He was con-
[See the prayer on this occasion, demned to be whipped, to be set in
above, p. 105. The use of the word the pillory, and to pay a fine of 500.
rebellious in this prayer, was ob- to the King. He became an active
jected against the Archbishop by the officer, and at last Lieutenant-Colonel
Scotch Commissioners. (See Hist, of in the Parliamentary Army, in which
Troubles and Trial, chap. iii. p. 131, capacity he behaved very gallantly at
in marg.)] Marston Moor. Ultimately he joined
P [See Prynne s remark on this the sect of the Quakers ; and died at
passage, Cant. Doom, p. 418. And Eltham, in Kent, Aug. 29, 1657.]
see above, p. 222, note a .] r [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
1 [Lilburn had been sentenced, Feb. iii. pp. 943945.]
13, 1637-8, for publishing Prynne s
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 233
Junii 28. Friday, I sent the remainder of my manuscripts A.D. 1639.
to Oxford, being in number 576 s . And about an
hundred of them were Hebrew, Arabic, and Persian.
I had formerly sent them above 700 volumes.
Aug. 1. Thursday, His Majesty came back from his
northern journey to Theobalds, and to White- Hall
Aug. 3. on Saturday, Aug. 3.
Many varieties, since the Assembly held and
ended in Scotland *. The bishops thrust out. The
Parliament there yet sitting.
Oct. 11. Friday and Saturday, The Spanish navy was set
12. upon by the Hollanders in the Downs. The fight
began to be hot, when they were past Dover. They
were in all near 60 sail. The Spaniards suffered
much in that fight, not without our dishonour,
that they should dare to begin the fight there. But
this is one of the effects of the Scottish daring u .
Dec. 2. Monday, A. Sh. my chirurgeon in trust, gave me
A. Sh. great and unexpected ease in my great infirmity.
But after, the weakness continued.
Dec. 5. Thursday, The King declared his resolution for
a Parliament, in case of the Scottish rebellion.
The first movers to it were my L. Dep. of Ireland ,
my L. M. Hamilton, and myself. And a resolution
voted at the Board, to assist the King in extra
ordinary ways, if the Parliament should prove
peevish x , and refuse, &c.
Dec. 27. Friday, Being St. John s day, at night, between
12 and 2 of the clock the next morning, the
greatest wind that ever I heard blow. Many of the
poor watermen at Lambeth had their boats tumbled
up and down, as they lay on the land, and broken
to pieces. One of my servants went into London,
and durst not come home, the evening was so foul.
And it was God s great blessing both on him and
me. For that night, the shafts of two chimneys
were blown down upon the roof of his chamber, and
8 [See History of Chancellorship, oftheDowns.^
pp. 225227.] v [The Earl of Strafforde.]
1 [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. x [This expression was objected
iii. pp. 952, seq.] against the Archbishop at his trial.
u [This was the great victory of Van See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap.
Tromp, commonly known as the battle xxiii. p. 280, in ma;g.]
23 4 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1639. Dec. 27. beat down both the lead and the rafters upon his
bed ; where had he been that night, he must have
perished y . At Croydon, one of the pinnacles fell
from the steeple, and beat down the lead and the
roof of the Church, near 20 foot square.
Jan. 24. Friday, At night I dreamed, that my father (who
died 46 years since) came to me ; and, to my
thinking, he was as well and as cheerful as ever
I saw him. He asked me, what I did here ? And
after some speech, I asked him, how long he would
stay with me ? He answered, he would stay till he
had me away with him. I am not moved with
dreams ; yet I thought fit to remember this.
Jan. 25. Saturday, St. Paul s, A very blustering and a
tempestuous day.
Jan. 26. Sunday, I received the Queen s gracious as
surance of her favour in the business which his
Ma. had committed to me with others , &c.
Feb. 9. Sunday, A large passage inserted, and afterwards
blotted out.
An. 1640.
April 13. Monday, The Parliament sat down. Called about
the rebellion of Scotland.
April 14. Tuesday, The Convocation began at S. PauFs.
April 24. Friday, The hot contestation in the Lords
House, w r hich should have precedence, the King s
supply, or the Subjects grievance. Voted in the
Upper House for the King z .
Maii 5. Tuesday, The Parliament ended, and nothing
done. The Convocation continued.
May 9. Saturday, A paper posted upon the Old Exchange,
and 11. animating prentices to sack my house upon the
Monday following, early.
1 [ with others/ inserted at a later time.]
y Hence may be corrected a great (Breviate of the Archbishop s Life,
mistake committed by Heylin in the pp. 34, 35,) who not unwillingly took
Life of the Archbishop, p. 450, [p. 422. the latter from a lying pamphlet,
Ed. 1671.] The relation also, which wrote and published by that notorious
followeth in Heylin, p. 451, [pp. 422, villain, Richard Culmer, entituled,
423,] concerning the accident which Cathedral News from Canterbury.
happened that night at Christ s H. VV.
Church, Canterbury, is a no less wide 7 [See Nalson s Collection, vol. i.
mistake, being unadvisedly taken, p. 331.]
as well as the former, from Prynne,
OF AHCI1BISHOP LAUD. 235
II. W. From this place, four pages* together in the original A.D. 1640.
are in part burned, in the form of a crescent. This damage
was done to the book while it was in Mr. Prynne s hands,
before it was produced as evidence against the Archbishop at
his trial. For, in the following History, at March 13, 1643,
the Archbishop saith : I know into whose hands my book is
fallen ; but what hath been done with it, I know not. This
is to be seen. Some passages in that book are half burnt
out; whether purposely, or by chance, God knoweth b . And
the like words of the Archbishop occur afterwards, at July 29,
1644 : That passage (of Febr. 11, 1640, urged against the
Archbishop out of his Diary] is more than half burnt out, as
is to be seen, whether of purpose by Mr. Prynne, or c isually,
I cannot tell ; yet the passage is confidently made up, and
read to your Lordships, as if nothing were wanting . It is
indeed undeniably evident to any one ivho compareth the
original with Prynne s printed copy, that this accident had
befallen the book before Prynne had caused it to be tran
scribed for the press. Yet he taketh no notice of it, but
filleth up the places with such words as himself pleaseth ; and
publisheth the whole without any distinction of his own addi
tions. I have, partly from Prynne, partly from my own
conjecture, supplied the mutilated places as well as I could ;
but have included all such suppletory words in crotchets ; that
so the reader may easily distinguish those words which are
yet to be read in the original, from those ivhich are not ; and
may judge, whether the several places be aptly filled up (l .
May 11. Monday night, At midnight my house a[t Lam-]
beth was beset with 50 [0 of] these rascal routers.
[I] had notice, and stren [gthened] the house as
well [as I] could; and God be [thanked, I had]
no harm ; t [hey continued] there full two [hours] .
Since I hav[e for]tified my house as well as
I can ; and hope all may be safe. But yet libels are
continually set up in all places of note in the city.
a [leaves.] must be considered as representing
b [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, the present state of the MS., and not
chap, xxiii. p. 230, in marg.] the state in which it was found by
c [Ibid. chap. xlii. p. 408, in marg.] H. Wharton.]
d [The brackets, as now inserted,
236 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1640. Mail 11. My deliverance was great; God make me thank
ful for it.
Maii 21. Thursday, One of the chief being taken 6 , was
condemned at Southwark, and hanged and quar-
May 23. tered on Saturday morning following.
Maii 15. But before this, some of these mutinous people
came in the day-time, and brake the White Lion
Prison f , and let loose their fellows, both out ot
that prison and the King s Bench, and the other
prisoners also out of the White Lion.
Maii 29. Friday, The Convocation sat after the ending
of the Parliament till May 29, and then ended ;
having made in that time 17 Canons; which, I
hope, will be useful to the Church .
Maii 29. The Bishop of Glocester, Godfrye Goodman, sus
pended for notorious scandal to the Church, in
refusing, first to subscribe the Canons, and after to
profess h a reservation \ He had long before been
suspected as inclining to [Pop]ery.
The Canons were all [voted] nemine dissen-
ti\ente^\ save this Bishop, who had in general con
sented before.
Julii 10. Friday, I took my oath to the new Canons at the
Council Table ; and so did my L. Bp. of London ;
and after him the Bp. of Glocester submitted him
self, and took the oath; and was released out of
prison by the King s command.
Julii 22. Tuesday, I christened the King s young son,
Henry, at Oatlands. The Queen was there happily
Julii 8. delivered of him, on Wednesday, being the day of
the solemn fast, about 6 of the clock in the evening.
Aug. 20. Thursday, His Majesty took his journey towards
the north in haste, upon information that the Scots
were entered the Monday before into England, and
e [See the Proclamation for the a narrative of the proceedings in Con-
apprehension of the rioters, Rymer, vocation is contained in Nalson s
Fred. IX. iii. p. 7.] Collection, vol. i. pp. 351 376.]
f [In Southwark. It was situated h L. for professing. H. W.
at the south end of S. Margaret s Hill, * [See a detailed account of Good-
near S. George s Church.] man s conduct in Hist, of Troubles
f [They are reprinted in Kalson s and Trial, chap. ii. pp. 8183, in
Collection, vol. i. p. 542, seq. ; Wilkins s marg.]
Concilia, vol. iv. pp. 543, seq. And
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 237
Aug. 20. meant to be at Newcastle by Saturday k . The Scots A.D. 1G40.
entered Aug. 20. l
Aug. 22. Saturday, A [vile] libel brought me, [found in]
Covent Garden; ani [mating] the apprentices [and
sol] diers to fall up [on me] in the King s absence.
Sept. 21. I received a [letter from] John Kockel, a m[au
both by] name and person [unknown] to me 1 . He
was [among the] Scots, as he tra [veiled through
the] Bishopric of [Durham] he heard them [in
veigh and] rail at me [exceedingly, and that] they
hoped shortly [to see me, as the Duke] was slain
by [one least] suspected. His le[tter was to] ad
vise me to look to myself.
Sept. 24. Thursday, A great Council of the Lords were
called by the King to York m , to consider what way
was best to be taken to get out the Scots ; and this
day the meeting began at York, and continued till
Octob. 28.
Oct. 22. Thursday, The High Commission sitting at S.
Paul s, because of the troubles of the times. Very
near 2,000 Brownists made a tumult at the end of
the court, tore down all the benches in the con
sistory; and cried out, they would have no Bishop,
nor no High Commission 11 .
Oct. 27. Tuesday, Simon and Jude s eve, I went into my
upper study, to see some manuscripts, which I was
sending to Oxford . In that study hung my
picture, taken by the life. And coming in, I found
it fallen down upon the face, and lying on the floor.
The string being broken, by which it was hanged
against the wall. I am almost every day threatened
with my ruin in Parliament. God grant this be
no omen P.
1 [ The . . . Aug. 20. in marg.]
k [See the prayer used on this Archbishop Usher, Oct. 23, 1640.]
occasion, above, p. 106.] [See History of Chancellorship,
1 [See Eockel s Letter in Prynne s pp. 293, 294.]
Hidden Works of Darkness, pp. 187, P [This passage was urged against
188.] the Archbishop at his trial. (Hist, of
m [See the Writ in Rushworth s Col- Troubles and Trial, chap. xlii. p. 408,
lections, vol. iii. p. 1257.] in marg.)]
n [See the Archbishop s Letter to
238 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1640. [Nov. 3.] Tuesday, The Parliament began. The King [di]d
not ride, but went by [w] ater to King s Stairs, and
[th] rough Westminster-Hall to the Church, and so
to the [Hou]se.
[Nov. 4.] Wednesday, The Convo[catio]n began at S. Paul s.
Nov. 1 1 . Wednesday, Thomas Vis [count] Wentworth, Earl
of [Strafforjd, accused to the Lords [by the] House
of Commons, for [high] treason, and restrained to
[the us] her of the House *.
[Nov.] 25, Wednesday, He was sent to the Tower.
Dec. 2. Wednesday, A great debate in the House, that
no B. should be so much as of the Committee for
preparatory examinations in this cause, as accounted
causa sanguims ; put off till the next day.
Dec. 3. Thursday, The debate declined.
Dec. 4. Friday, The King gave way, that his Councel
should be examined upon oath in the E. of Straf-
ford s case. I was examined this day.
Dec. 16. Wednesday, The Canons condemned in the House
of Commons, as being against the King s preroga
tive, the fundamental laws of the realm, the liberty
and propriety of the subject, and containing divers
other things tending to sedition, and of dangerous
consequence 1 . Upon this I was made the author of
[them,] and a Committee put upon me to [en] quire
into all my actions, [and] to prepare a charge.
The same morning, in [the] Upper House, I was
na[med as an] incendiary by [the Scot]tish Com
missioners; and [a ....] complaint promised to
[be drawn up] to-morrow.
I was con- Dec. 18. Friday, I w[as accu]sed by the House [of Com-
Bishopof mons] for high tre[ason, without] any particular
^ aint [charge] laid against me ; [which they] said, should
November be [prepared in] convenient time. [Mr. Denzell]
18 > 1621> Hollys s was the [man that brought] up the mes
sage [to the Lords. Soon] after, the charge [was
brought into] the Upper House [by the Scottish]
<> [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. on Dec. 14. There is a detailed ac-
viii. (which is occupied exclusively count of the speeches in Nalson s
with the Earl s trial), p. 3.] Collection, vol. i. pp. 666679.]
r [The debate on the Canons began s [Second son to John Earl of Clare.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 239
.Dec. 18. Commissioners, [tending to] prove me an [incen- A.D. 1G40.
diary,] I was presently [committed to the] gentle
man us [her ; but was permitted] to go in his
comp[any to my house at Lam]beth t , for a book or
two to read in, and such papers as pertained to
my defence against the Scots.
I stayed at Lambeth till the evening, to avoid
the gazing of the people. I went to evening prayer
in my chapel. The Psalms of the day, and chap. 50. Psal. 93,
of Esai, gave me great comfort. God make me ar
worthy of it, and fit to receive it.
As I went to my barge, hundreds of my poor
neighbours stood there, and prayed for my safety,
and return to my house. For which, I bless God
and them.
Dec. 21. Monday, I was fined 500/. in the Parliament
House, and Sir John Lambe and Sir Hen. Martin,
250/. a piece, for keeping Sir Eob. Howard close
prisoner in the case of the escape of the Lady
Viscountess Purbecke out of the G ate-house ; which
lady he kept avowedly, and had children by her u .
In such a case, say the imprisonment were more
than the law allow ; what may be done for honour
and religion sake? This was not a fine to the
King, but damage to the party 1 .
[Dec. 23.] Wednesday, The Lords ordered me to pay the
money presently; which was done.
[Jan.21\] Thursday, A Parliament [man] of good note, and
interessed [with] divers Lords, sent me word,
[that] by reason of my patient [and m]oderate
carriage since my [commit] ment, four Earls of
great [power] in the Upper House [of] the Lords
1 [ Tliis . . . party. note in marg.]
i [Prynne remarks, (in margin of below, Hist, of Troubles and Trial,
Breviate, p. 24,) Where he then chap. v. p. 146, in marg.]
burned most of his privy letters and x [This date is inserted by H.Whar-
papers. See the Archbishop s Eeply ton on conjecture. But H. Wharton
to this assertion, at the end of the (above, p. 235) and the Archbishop
Diary.] himself (Hist, of Troubles and Trial,
u [See above, Jan. 21, and March chnp. xlii. p, 408, in marg.) refer to it
5, 1624, and Novemb. 1628. This case as "Feb. 11."]
is also mentioned more in detail
210 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
,.D. 1040. [Jan. 21.] were not [uow] so sliarp against me [as at] first.
And that now they [were] resolved only to se-
[quester] rne from the King s Coun[cil, and] to put
me from my [Arch] bishopric. So I see, what
justice I may expect; since here is a resolution
taken, not only before my answer, but before my
charge was brought up against me y.
Feb. 14. Sunday, A. R. z And this, if I live, and continue
Archbishop of Canterbury, till after Michaelmas-
day come twelvemonth, anno 164.2. God bless me
in this.
Feb. 26. Friday, This day I had been full ten weeks in
restraint at Mr. Maxwell s house. And this day,
being St. Aug. day, my charge was brought up
from the House of Commons to the Lords, by Sir
Henry Vane the younger l . It consisted of fourteen
articles. These generals they craved time to prove
in particular. The copy of this general charge is
among my papers. I spake something to it. And
the [co]py of that also is among my papers. I had
favour [from the] Lords not to go to the [Tower]
till the Monday foil [owing.]
Mar. 1. Monday, I went [in Mr.] Maxwell s coach to the
[Tower.] No noise, till I ca[me into] Cheapside.
But from [thence] to the Tower, I was [followed]
and railed at by the [prentices and] the rabble, in
great [numbers,] to the very Tower [gates, where I
left] them ; and I thank G [od, he made me]
patient.
Mar. 9. Shrove-Tuesday, [........] was with me in
[the Tower;] and gave great [engagements of his]
faith to me.
Mar. 13. Saturday a , [Divers Lords] dined with the L[ord
Herbert b , at his] new house by [Fox-Hall in] Lam-
1 [ by younger. inserted in marg.]
>" [This passage was urged against had set his mind, but which he had
the Archbishop at his trial. Hist, of not carried out.]
Troubles and Trial, chap. xlii. p. 408, a The defects of this place are sup-
in marg.] plied from the following history.
1 [Query, do these letters signify H. W.
" Appropriations redimendre "! This b [Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of
was a design on which the Archbishop Worcester. He succeeded his father.
OF AECHBISHOP LAUD. 241
bcth. Three [of these Lords in the] boat together, A.I>. 1640.
[when one of] them saying, he [was sorry for my]
commitment, beca[use the buil]ding of St. Paul s
went [slow] on therewhile; the Lo[rd] Brooke
replied, I hope some of us shall live to see no one
stone left upon another of that building.
Iar.l[5], Monday, A Committee for Religion settled in the
Upper House of Parliament. Ten earls, ten bishops,
ten barons. So the lay-votes shall be double to the
clergy. This Committee will meddle with doctrine
as well as ceremonies, and will call some divines to
them to consider of the business. As appears by a
letter hereto annexed, sent by the L. Bp. of Lincoln
to some divines to attend this service d . Upon the
whole matter, I believe this Committee will prove
the national synod of England, to the great dis
honour of this Church. And what else may follow
upon it, God knoweth.
Mar. 22. Monday, The E. of Stafford s trial began in
Westminster-Hall 6 ; and it continued till the end of
April, taking in the variation of the House of Com
mons, who after a long hearing drew a Bill of
Attainder against him.
[^ra. 1641.]
"Mar. 25.] Thursday, A. Sh. performed his promise to the
uttermost.
"May 1 .] Saturday, The King came into the Upper House,
[and] there declared before both Houses how dili
gently he [had] hearkened to all the proceeding!
with the E. of Strafford; [and] found that his
fault, what [ever it was], could not amount to [high
tre] ason : that if it went by [bill] it must pass by
him ; and [that] he could not with his con [scien] ce
find him guilty, nor [would] wrong his conscience
as second Marquis of Worcester, and Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 455. Oxf. 1826;
was active in the King s cause. He and South s Sermons, vol. L p. 185.
is known also as the author of The Ozf. 182$, See also below, p. 249.
Century of Inventions. ] March 2, 1642.]
e . [Robert Greville, who met with hia d [See History of Troubles and Trial,
death in so remarkable a manner when chap. viii. pp. 174, 175, in marg.]
assaulting Lichfield cathedral on 8. e [Bee Ruahworth s Collections, vol.
Chad s day. See Clarendon s Hist of viii. pp. 101, seq.]
LAUD. VOL. in. R
242 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1641. May J . [so f]ar. But advised them to pro[ceed] by way of
misdemeanour ; [and he] would concur with them f .
The same day, after the [King] was gone, a letter
was [read] in the Upper House from the Scots, in
which they did earnestly desire to be gone. It was
moved for a present conference with the House of
Commons about it. The debate about it was very
short ; yet the Commons were risen beforehand.
Maii 12. Wednesday, The Earl of Straff ord beheaded upon
Tower-Hill.
Junii 23. Wednesday, I acquainted the King by my Ld. of
London, that I would resign my Chancellorship of
Oxford, and why .
Junii 25. Friday, I sent down my resignation of the Chan
cellorship of Oxford, to be published in Convocation 11 .
Julii 1. Thursday, This was done; and the E. of Pem
broke chosen Chancellor by joint consent.
Aug. 10. Tuesday, The King went post into Scotland. The
Parliament sitting, and the armies not yet dissolved.
Sept. 23. Thursday, Mr. Adam Torless, my ancient, loving
and faithful servant, then my steward, after he had
served me full forty-two years, died, to my great
loss and grief 1 .
Oct. 23. The Lords in Parliament sequestered my juris
diction to my inferior officers 14 , and ordered, that
I should give no benefice without acquainting them
first to whom I would give it, that so they might
Nov. 2. approve. This order was sent me on Tuesday,
November 2, in the afternoon.
Nov. 1. News came to the Parliament of the troubles in
Ireland. The King being then in Scotland, where
there were troubles enough also.
Nov. 25. Thursday, The King at his return from Scotland
was sumptuously entertained in London, and great
joy on all hands. God prosper it.
f [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. the valuable services of this faithful
viii. p. 734.] attendant in Hist, of Troubles and
* [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, Trial, chap. x. p. 182 in marg.]
chap. x. p. 181 in marg.] k j-^ t tne suggestion of Abp. Wil
h [See Hist, of Chancellorship, pp. liams. See ibid. chap. xi. p. 183 in
298, seq.] marg.]
1 [The Abp. speaks more fully of
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 243
Dec. 30. Thursday, The Archbishop of York 1 , and eleven A.D. 1641.
bishops more m , sent to the Tower for high treason,
for delivering a petition and a protestation into the
House, that this was not a free Parliament, since
they could not come to vote there, as they are .
bound, without danger of their lives.
Tuesday, His Majesty went into the House of
Commons, and demanded the persons of Mr. Denzill
Hollis, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Jo. Pym, Mr. Jo.
Hampden, and Mr.Wi. Strode, whom his Attorney n
had the day before, together with the Ld. Kimbol-
ton , accused of high treason, upon seven articles.
They had information, and were not then in the
House : they came in after, and great stir was made
about this breach of the privileges of Parliament.
Saturday, Voted in the Lords House, that the
bishops shall have no votes there in Parliament. The
Commons had passed that bill before. Great ringing
for joy, and bonfires in some parishes.
Friday, The Queen went from Greenwich toward
Dover, to go into Holland with her daughter, the
Princess Mary, who was lately married to the Prince
of Orange his son P. But the true cause was, the
present discontents here. The King accompanied
her to the sea.
Feb. 14. His Majesty s message to both Houses, printed, by
which he puts all into their hands ; so God bless us ^.
Feb. 14. An order came, that the twelve bishops might .
put in bail, if they would; and that they should
have their hearing upon Friday, Feb. 25. They
went out of the Tower on Wednesday, Feb. 16, and
1 [John Williams, translated Dec. 4, Llandaff.J
1641.] n [Sir Edward Herbert, afterwards
m [Thomas Morton, Bp. of Durham ; made Lord Keeper.]
Joseph Hall, Bp. of Norwich ; Kobert [Edward Montagu, the eldest son
Wright, Bp. of Cov. and Lich. ; John of the Earl of Manchester ; afterwards
Owen, Bp. of St. Asaph ; William his successor in the title, and a Par-
Pierce, Bp. of Bath and Wells; George liamentary General. He was now a
Coke, Bp. of Hereford; Matthew Wren, member of the House of Peers.]
Bp. of Ely; Robert Skinner, Bp. of P [By this marriage she was the
Oxford ; Godfrey Goodman, Bp. of mother of William the Third.]
Gloucester ; John Towers, Bp. of Pe- 1 [See Eushworth s Collections, vol.
terborough; and Morgan Owen, Bp. of iv. p. 553.]
n 2
244 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1641. Feb. 14. were sent in again, Feb. 17, the House of Commons,
on Wednesday night, protesting against their coming
forth, because they were not in a parliamentary way
made acquainted with it.
Feb. 20. Sunday, There came a tall man to me, under the
name of Mr. Hunt. He professed he was unknown
to me ; but came (he said) to do me service in a
great particular ; and prefaced it, that he was not
set on by any statesman, or any of the Parliament.
So he drew a paper out of his pocket, and shewed
me 4 Articles drawn against me to the Parliament,
all touching my near conversation with priests, and
my endeavours by them to subvert religion in
England. He told me the Articles were not yet put
into the House : they were subscribed by one Wil-
loughby, who (he said) was a priest, but now come
from them. I asked him what service it was he
could do me. He said, he looked for no advantage
to himself. I conceived hereupon this was a piece
of villany : and bade him tell Willoughby he was a
villain ; and bid him put his Articles into the Par
liament, when he will. So I went presently into
my inner chamber, and told Mr. Ed. Hyde r , andj
Mr. Rich. Cobb s , what had befallen me. But after
I was sorry at my heart, that my indignation at this
base villany made me so hasty to send Hunt away ;
and that I had not desired Mr. Lieutenant to seize
on him, till he brought forth this Willoughby.
Feb. 25. Friday, The Q. went to sea for Holland, and her
eldest daughter the Princess Mary with her.
Mar. 6. Sunday, After sermon, as I was walking up and
down my chamber before dinner, without any slip
or treading awry, the sinew of my right leg gave a
great crack, and brake asunder in the same place
where I had broken it before, Feb. 5, 162J *.
Orders about Stisted u .
1 [Afterwards the celebrated Earl of above, pp. 82, 83.]
Clarendon.] [See a full account of the business
1 [His faithful servant. See Will.] relating to Stisted in Hist, of Troubles
1 [See prayer on this occasion, and Trial, chap. xv. p. 194 in marg.]
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 245
[An. 1642.] A.D. 1642.
It was two months before I could go out of my
aii 15. chamber. On Sunday I made shift between my
man and my staff to go to church. There one Mr.
Joslin x preached, with vehemency becoming Bedlam,
with treason sufficient to hang him in any other
State, and with such particular abuse to me, that
women and boys stood up in the church to see
how I could bear it. I humbly thank God for my
patience.
All along things grew higher between the King
and the Parliament. God send a good issue,
laii 29. Four ships came into the river, with part of the
ammunition from Hull y.
Aug. 22. Monday, The King set up his standard at Not
tingham.
g. 24. The Parliament having committed three officers
of the ordnance, and sent two new ones in the room ;
this day they brake open all the doors, and pos
sessed themselves of the stores.
g. 27. Saturday, E. of Southampton z and Sir Jot Cul-
pepper a sent from the K. to have a treaty for
peace b . Refused. Unless the K. would take down
his standard, and recal his proclamation which made
them traitors c .
Sept. 1. Thursday, Bishops voted down, and Deans and
Chapters l , in the Lower House. That night bonfires
and ringing all over the city : ordered cunningly
by Pennington the new L. Mayor d .
Ante ult. Aug. About this time the Cathedral of Canter
bury grossly profaned.
1 [ and . . . chapters, in marg.]
x [Ralph Josselin was at this time Peer.]
Vicar of Earl s Colne. Was this the b [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
person 1] iv. p. 784.]
y [Sent by Sir John Hotham, who c [Ibid. p. 785. J
had garrisoned Hull by order of Par- d [Isaac Pennington, chosen in the
liamcnt.] room of Sir R. Gurney; afterwards
2 [Thomas Wriothesley, the father made Governor of the Tower, and
of Lady Rachel Russell.] appointed one of the King s Judges,
a [Chancellor of the Exchequer, though he did not take his scat
afterwards Master of the Rolls, and a among them.]
246 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A D. 1612. Sept. 9. Friday, An Order from the House, about the
giving of Allhallows-Bread-street.
The E. of Essex set forward towards the King.
Sept. 10. [Bishops] voted down in the upper House (Du-
bitatur} .
Oct. 15. Saturday, Resolved upon the question, that the
fines, rents, and profits of Archbishops, Bishops,
Deans, and Chapters, and of such notorious delin
quents who have taken up arms against the Parlia
ment, or have been active in the commission of
array, shall be sequestered for the use and service
of the Commonwealth.
Oct. 23. Sunday, Keinton 6 Field 1 .
Oct. 24. Monday, An Order from the House. Keep but
two servants, speak with no prisoner or other per
son, but in the presence of my warder, (this com-
Oct. 26. mon to other prisoners 2 .) This order not shown
Oct. 27. me till Oct. 26. And I sent a petition to the House
for a cook and a butler, Thursday. This order
Oct. 28. revoked, Friday : And this granted me. Wednes
day, Mr. Cook s relation to me of some resolutions
taken in the city, &c.
Nov. 2. Wednesday night, I dreamed the Parliament was
removed to Oxford ; the Church undone : some old
courtiers came in to see me, and jeered : I went to
St. John s, and there I found the roof off from some
parts of the College, and the walls cleft, and ready
to fall down. God be merciful.
Nov. 8. Seventy-eight pounds of my rents 3 taken from
my controller, by Mr. Holland and Mr. Ashurst 4 ,
which they said was for maintenance of the King s
children.
Nov. 9. Wednesday morning, Five of the clock, Captain
Brown and his company entered my house at Lam-
[ K-einton Field. in marg-.J
[< (this . . . prisoners.) in marg.]
[< of my rents in marg.]
[ Rushworth inserted originally, then erased.]
e [Better known as Edge Hill.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 247
Nov. 9. beth, to keep it for public service ; and they made A.D. 1612.
of it 1
The Lords, upon my petition to them, denied
they knew of any such order, and so did the Com
mittee ; yet such an order there was, and divers
Lords hands to it ; but upon my petition they
made an order that my books should be secured
and my goods.
Nov. 10. Some Lords went to the .King about an accom
modation f .
Nov. 12. Saturday, A fight about Brainford ; many slain
of the Parliament s forces, and some taken pri
soners. Such as would not serve the King, were
sent back with an oath given them 2 . The fight is
said to begin casually about billetting. Since this,
voted in the House for no accommodation, but to
go on, and take all advantages.
Nov. 16. Wednesday, An order to bar all prisoners men
from speaking one with another, or any other, but
in presence of the warder ; nor go out without the
lieutenant s leave 3 : and to bar them the liberty of
the Tower.
Nov. 22. Tuesday, Ordered, That any one of them may go
out to buy provision.
Nov. 24. Thursday, The soldiers at Lambeth House brake
open the chapel door, and offered violence to the
organ; but before much hurt was done, the cap
tains heard of it, and stayed them.
Dec. 2. Friday, Some of the King s forces taken at Farn-
ham.
About an hundred of them brought in carts to
London : ten carts full. Their legs bound. They
were sufficiently railed upon in the streets.
Dec. 19. Monday, My petition for Mr. Corners * to have
1 [These two entries of Nov. 8 and 9 originally transposed. This sentence
left imperfect.]
2 [ Such . . . them. inserted on opposite page.]
3 [ nor . . . leave : in marg.]
f [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. pears to have been a relation of Sir
v. pp. 5658.] John Coniers, the Lieutenant of the
* [The Lecturer at Bow. He ap- Tower, who applied to Laud in hi.-*
248 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A D. 1624. Dec. 19. the vicarage of Horsham. Before it came to be
delivered, the House had made an order against
him, upon complaint from Horsham of his dis-
Dec. 21. orderly life. So I petitioned for my chaplain,
St. Tho- Mr. W. Brackstone h . Refused: yet no exception
mas s taken 1 .
day. That day, in the morning, my young dun horse
was taken away, by warrant under the hands of
Sir Jo. Evelyn *, Mr. Pirn k , and Mr. Martin l .
Dec. 23. Thursday, Dr. Lay ton m came with a warrant
from the House of Commons 2 for the keys of my
house to be delivered to him, and more prisoners
to be brought thither, &c.
Jan. 5. A final order from both Houses for settling of
164| Lambeth prison, &c.
Thursday. All my wood and coals spent, or to be spent
there, not reserving in the order that I shall have
any for my own use; nor would that motion be
hearkened to.
Jan. 6. Friday, Epiphany, E. of Manchester s letter from
the House, to give Allhallows, Bread- street, to
Mr. Seaman 11 .
Jan. 26. Thursday, The bill passed the Lds. House for
abolishing Episcopacy, &c.
Feb. 3. Friday, Dr. Heath came to persuade me to give
Chartham P to Mr. Corbet *, &c,
1 [ yet . . . taken. inserted on opposite page.]
2 [ from . . . Commons in marg.]
behalf. See Hist, of Troubles and Seaman, Chaplain to the Earl of
Trial, chap. xvi. p. 198 in marg.] Northumberland, was afterwards ap-
h [Son of an Alderman of Eeading. pointed Master of Peterhouse, Cam-
He was elected to S. John s College, bridge. He was ejected at the
Oxford, from Reading School.] Restoration, and died Sept. 9, 1675.1
1 [Of West Dean, in Wilts.] [Laud (Hist, of Troubles and
k [John Pym, the keen opponent of Trial, chap. xvii. p. 200 in marg.)
the Archbishop.] mentions that he was of Merton Col-
1 [Henry Marten, one of the regi- lege. Wood (F, 0. i. 475) mentions a
cides.] Dr. Heath of that House, who was
m [Alexander Leighton, the author Chancellor of Peterborough, and who
of Sion s Plea against Prelacy. Laud afterwards became a Romanist. He
considered the appointment of Leigh- was probably the same person.]
ton to the charge of Lambeth Palace P [Vacant by the death of Dr. Isaac
as a studied indignity. See Hist, of Bargrave, Dean of Canterbury.]
Troubles and Trial, chap. xvi. p. 198 i [Edward Corbet, of Merton Col
in marg.] lege. See Hist, of Chancellorship,
n [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, p. 133.]
chap, xvi. p. 199 in marg. Lazarus
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 249
Feb. 14. Tuesday, I received a letter r , dated Jan. 17 l , from A.D. 1642.
His Majesty, to give Chartham to Mr. Reddinge 8 , or
lapse it to him.
That afternoon, the E. of Warwick i came to me,
and brought me an order of the House to give it to
one Mr. Culmer u . This order bare date, Feb. 4.
Feb. 25. Saturday, Mr. Culmer came to me about it. I
told him I had given my L. my answer.
Mar. 2. Thursday, S. Cedd s day. The Lord Brooke shot
in the left eye, and killed in the place, at Lichfield,
going to give the onset upon the close of the
church, he having ever been fierce against Bps.
and cathedrals : his beaver up, and armed to the
knees, so that a musket at that distance could have
done him but little harm. Thus was his eye put
out, who about two years since said, he hoped to
live to see at S. Paul s not one stone left upon
another x .
Mar. 10. Friday, This night preceding, I dreamed a war
rant was come to free me ; and that I spake with
Mr. Lieutenant, that my warder might keep the
keys of my lodging, till I had got some place for
1 [ dated Jan. 17, inserted above the line.]
r [This letter is recorded by Prynne forbear to present any other to the
(Breviate, pp. 32, 33) : same, that so the said Parsonage
" Charles Rex, lapsing into our gift, we may, as we
" Most reverend Father in God, and intend, confer it on him. This we
right-trusty and well-beloved, we greet are confident of from you, both in
you well. regard of the person s worthiness and
" We are informed that Dr. Isaac sufferings, and that we shall therein
Bargrave, Dean of our Cathedral of receive very good content and satis-
Cant., is very lately deceased, and by faction. Given at our Court at Ox-
his death the Parsonage of Chartham, ford, the 27th (17th ?) of January,
near Cant., became void. Many good 1642."]
motives and reasons have graciously s [John Heading, of S. Mary s, Do-
inclined us to favour therewith John ver, where he was cruelly treated by
Reading, Clerk, now beneficcd at the Puritans. He was presented to a
Dover, in our County of Kent, but stall in Cant. Cath. ; but did not enjoy
deprived, as we understand, of the either that or the Rectory of Chartham
small livelihood he had thence accru- till the Restoration. (Wood, Ath. Ox.
ing by the perverse disposition of iii. 794796.)]
some of his turbulent parishioners. l [Robert Rich, a great favourer of
Wherefore we very earnestly desire the Puritans.]
you to bestow the Parsonage of Char- u [The notorious Richard Culmer,
tham upon the said John Reading, or the profaner of Cant. Cathedral, of
at the least, that if you shall be re- whom more hereafter.]
strained from so doing by either or * [See above, p. 241, March 13,
both Houses of Parliament, you then 1640.]
. 250 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
AD. 1642. Mar. 10. myself and my stuff, since I could not go to
Lambeth. 6
I waked, and slept again, and had the very same
dream a second time.
Mar. 20. Monday, The L. of Northumberland y, Mr. Par-
point z , Sir Jo. Holland a , Sir Wi. Ermin b , and Mr.
Whitlock c , went from both Houses to treat of peace
with his Majesty d . God of his mercy bless it and us.
Mar. 24. Friday, One Mr. Foord told me (he is a Suffolk
man) that there was a plot to send me and Bp.
Wrenn, as delinquents, to New England within four
teen days ; and that Wells e , a minister that came
thence, offered wagers of it. The meeting was at Mr.
Barks a merchant s house in Friday-street, being this
Foord s son-in-law. I never saw Mr. Foord before.
[An. 1643.]
Mar. 28. Tuesday, Another order from the Lords to give
Chartham to one Mr. Edw. Hudson. My answer,
as before.
April 11. Another order for the same, and very peremp-
Tuesday 1 . tory. This came to me April 12, whereupon I
April 13. petitioned the House, Thursday, April 13. My
former answer being wilfully mistaken by Hudson.
That present day another order, very quick ;
April 14. which was brought to me Friday, April 14. I peti
tioned the House again the same day with great
submission, but could not disobey the King.
April 12. Another peremptory order, to collate Chartham
on Mr. Edw. Corbet f , brought to me Saturday,
1 [ Wednesday erased. Tuesday in marg.]
y [Algernon Percy, tenth Earl of one of the Commissioners of the Par-
Northumberland.] liamentary Great Seal, and one of
z [William Pierrepoint, second son Cromwell s Lords.]
of the Earl of Kingston.] d [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
a [Afterwards one of the Commis- v. p. 175.]
si oners to treat with Charles II. at the e [Wells had been suspended by
Hague.] Laud when Bp. of London. See Hist.
b [Sir William Armyne, many times of Troubles and Trial, chap. xx. pp.
employed by Parliament in public 213, 214, in marg.]
commissions.] f [See above, p. 248. note q.]
c [Bulstrode Whitlock, afterwards
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 251
April22. April 22. I gave my Answer as before, but in A.D. 1643.
April 24. as soft terms as I could. Monday, April 24.
April 25. Tuesday, It was moved in the House of Commons
to send me to New England ; but it was rejected .
The plot was laid by Peters, Wells, and others.
Maii 1. Monday, My chapel windows at Lambeth defaced,
and the steps torn up.
Maii 2 1 . Tuesday, The cross in Cheapside taken down h .
Maii 9. Tuesday, All my goods seized upon, books and
all. The seizers were Capt. Guest, Layton, and
Dickins. The same day an order for further re
straint of me, not to go out of it without my keeper.
This order was brought to me Maii 10.
Maii 1 6. Tuesday, An order of both Houses for the disposing
of my benefices, &c. void, or to be void 1 . This order
Maii 17. was brought to me Wednesday, Maii 17, at night.
Methinks I see a cloud rising over me about Chart-
ham business ; there having been a rumour twice
that I shall be removed to a prison lodging.
Maii 23. Tuesday, I sent my petition for maintenance.
This day the Queen was voted a traitor in the
Commons House.
Maii 19 J. Saturday, Another order to collate Edward Corbet
Maii 26. to Chartham. It was brought to me Friday,Maii 26.
Maii 27. I answered it Maii 27, as before.
7 H. W. Thus far the Archbishop had proceeded in his
Diary ; when it was violently seized, and taken out of his
pockets by William Prynne, on the last day of May 1643.
The seizure of it is related by Prynne himself, (Breviate of the
Archbishop s Life, p. 28,) and gloried in as a most worthy
action. But the barbarous manner of it is more largely
described by the Archbishop himself in the following History*.
1 [These two entries of May 1 and 2, precede the one of April 25.]
s [There was published at this time h [One of the nine crosses erected
a burlesque petition, entitled A Copy by Edward I. to the memory of his
of the Petition presented to the Queen Eleanor. John Evelyn men-
Honourable Houses of Parliament, by tions being present at its destruction.]
the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, l [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial,
wherein the said Archbishop desires chap. xvii. p. 203 in marg.]
that he may not be transported be- j Leg. 20. H. W.
yond the seas^ to New England, &c. k [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial,
.London, 1643. ] chap, xviii. pp. 205, 206, in marg.]
252 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
A.D. 1643. After the book came into his enemies hands, it was frequently
urged against him as evidence at his trial ; and when the trial
was near finished, Prynne caused it to be printed, and published
it in the beginning of September 1644, but corrupted, and in
part only ; of which see before in the Preface. The Arch-
bishop had almost filled up his paper book (wherein he wrote
this Diary) , when it was taken from him. But in the last leaf
of it are found certain projects wrote with his own hand, (at
what time, or in what year, is uncertain,] which I have
subjoined.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 253
68 THINGS WHICH I HAVE PROJECTED TO DO,
IF GOD BLESS ME IN THEM.
I. Blotted out.
II. To build at S. John s in Oxford, where I was bred up,
for the good and safety of that college a . Done l .
III. To overthrow the feoffment, dangerous both to Church
and State, going under the specious pretence of buying in
impropriations b . Done 2 .
IV. To procure King Charles to give all the impropria
tions, yet remaining in the crown, within the realm of
Ireland, to that poor Church . Done, and settled there 3 .
V. To set upon the repair of S. Paul s church in London d .
Done 4 .
VI. To collect and perfect the broken, crossing, and
imperfect statutes of the University of Oxon ; which had lain
in a confused heap some hundred of years. Done e .
VII. Blotted out.
VIII. To settle the statutes of all the cathedral churches
of the new foundations; whose statutes are imperfect, and
not confirmed f . Done for Canterbury 5 .
1 [ Done. in marg.] 2 [ Done. in marg.]
3 [ Done . . . there. in marg.] 4 [ Done. in marg.]
5 [ Done for Canterbury. in marg.]
a [See above, July 26, 1631, p. 214.] 40,000/. for the purchase of impropria-
b [See above, at Feb. 13, 1632, p. tions in Ireland out of his own purse."]
216. This was brought against the d [The Commission for this purpose
Archbishop in the 6th additional was dated April 10, 1631. The whole
Article at his trial. See Hist, of sum expended on the work was up-
Troubles and Trial, chap, xxxix. p. wards of 100,000. This also was urged
371 in marg.] against the Archbishop at his trial.
c [Laud brings this point under the Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap. xxv.
notice of Strafford, in the first letter pp. 244, seq. in marg.]
written to him after he became Lord e [He entered on this project im-
Lieutenant. This was another of the mediately on his election to the
charges against him. (Ibid. chap. Chancellorship. See Hist, of Chan-
xxx. pp. 296, 297, in marg.) Bp.Vesey, cellorship, p. 13. This was brought
in the Life of Abp. Bramhall, prefixed forward at his trial. Ibid. chap. xxxi.
to his Works, fol. Dubl. 1677, p. 15, pp. 304, 305, in marg.]
states that "he is said to have designed f [This formed one of the charges
254 THE DIARY OF THE LIFE
IX. To annex for ever some settled commendams, and
those, if it may be, sine curd, to all the small bishoprics g .
Done for Bristol, Peterborough, S. Asaph, Chester, Oxford l .
X. To find a way to increase the stipends of poor vicars.
XI. To see the tithes of London settled, between the
clergy and the city h .
XII. To set up a Greek press in London and Oxford, for
printing of the library manuscripts ; and to get both letters
and matrices *. Done for London 2 .
XIII. To settle eighty pounds a-year for ever, out of Dr.
Fryar s lands, (after the death of Dr. John Fryar the son,)
upon the fabric of S. Paul s, to the repair, till that be
finished, and to keep it in good state after.
XIV. To procure a large charter for Oxford, to confirm
their ancient privileges, and obtain new for them, as large as
those of Cambridge, which they had gotten since Henry VIII. (
which Oxford had not k . Done 3 .
XV. To open the great square at Oxford between S. Mary s
and the schools, Brasen-nose and All Souls.
XVI. To settle an hospital of land in Reading, of one
hundred pounds a-year, in a new way. I have acquainted
Mr. Barnard, the vicar of Croydon, with my project. He is
to call upon my executors to do it ; if the surplusage of my
goods (after debts and legacies paid) come to three thousand
pounds. Done to the value of two hundred pounds per
1 [ Done . . . Oxford. in marg.] 2 [ Done for London. in marg.]
3 [ Done. in marg.] * [ Done. . . annum." in marg.]
against him. Ibid. p. 306 in marg. to establish a learned press in
Such statutes as can be obtained, will Oxford.]
be published with similar documents k [See Hist, of Chancellorship, p
in vol. v.] 118.]
* [See ibid. chap. xxx. p. 298 in [See above, at Jan. 1, 1633. An
marg.] account of the Archbishop s benefac-
h [See ibid. chap. xxv. pp. 251, 252, tion to Reading is given in Original
in marg.] Letters, &c relating to the Benefac-
1 [See the Abp. s Letter to the tions of Abp. Laud to the county
King s Printers, Jan. 18, 1633. Fre- of Berks. Lond. 1841. The Arch-
quent mention is made in the History bishop s letters on this subject will be
of his Chancellorship, of his anxiety found in vol. vi]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 255
XVII. To erect an Arabic lecture in Oxford, at least for
my lifetime, my estate not being able for more : that this
may lead the way, &c. The lecture began to be read Aug. 10,
1636 m . Done. I have now settled it for ever 1 n .
XVIII. The impropriation of the vicarage of Cuddesden
to the Bp. of Oxford, finally sentenced Wednesday, April 19,
1637. And so the house built by the now Bp. of Oxford,
Dr. Jo. Bancroft, settled for ever to that bishopric . Done 2 .
XIX. A book in vellum, fair written, containing the records,
which are in the Tower, and concern the Clergy. This book
I got done at my own charge, and have left it in my study at
Lambeth for posterity, Junii 10, 1637. Ab anno 20 Ed. I.
ad annum 24 Ed. IV.? Done 3 .
XX. A new charter for the college near Dublin to be pro
cured of his Majesty; and a body of new statutes made, to
rectify that government 1. Done 4 .
XXI. A charter for the town of Reading 1 , and a mortmain
of ... Done 5 .
XXII. If I live to see the repair of S. Paul s near an end,
to move his Majesty for the like grant from the High Com
mission, for the buying in of impropriations, as I have now
for S. PauF s. And then I hope to buy in two a-year at
least.
XXIII. I have procured for S. John Bap. s College in
Oxford the perpetual inheritance and patronage of, &c.
1 [ Done . . . ever. in marg.] 2 [ Done/ in marg.]
3 [ Done. in marg.] 4 [ Done. in marg.]
5 [ Done. in marg.]
111 [See Hist, of Chancellorship, p. 1 [The statutes were forwarded to
147. J the Lord Deputy Wentworth, with a
n [Ibid. p. 280.] letter from the Archbishop, March 21,
[The documents relating to this 163f.]
impropriation are recorded in the r [This charter will be found in
Archbishop s Register, foil. 261. b. Man s History of Heading, Append.
270. b.] p. i.]
P [See above, p. 228.]
MARGINAL NOTES
PEYNNE S BEEVIATE,
NOW riRST PUBLISHED.
LAOD. V01. III.
NOTICE.
THE following notes on Prynne s Breviate, now published
for the first time,, require a few words of introduction.
It has been already noticed by Henry Wharton, in his
Preface to the Diary, and in his concluding note, that Prynne,
by order of the two Houses, seized the Diary, Private Devo
tions, and other papers belonging to the Archbishop, and that
he compiled from them his " Breviate of the Life of William
Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, extracted for the most part
verbatim out of his own Diary, and other writings under his
own hand." This volume was printed, by order of the House
of Commons, Aug. 16, 1644, as is stated in the title : and on
Monday, Sept. 2, when the Archbishop was required to reca
pitulate his defence, he " saw every Lord present with a new
thin book in folio, in a blue coat." (Hist, of Troubles and
Trial, chap. xlii. pp. 411, 412, in marg.) This was a copy of the
Breviate, and that time was selected for its publication, that it
might damp the Archbishop, and disenable him to speak/
The Archbishop was deeply grieved at this publication, and
though fully occupied by the details of his Trial, contemplated
a reply, which he intended to prepare on the completion of
his History. " For this Breviate of his, if God lend me life
and strength to end this first, I shall discover to the world
the base and malicious slanders with which it is fraught."
(Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap. xxv. p. 254 in marg.)
It appears from the following memoranda, from the Tanner
MSS., that the Archbishop was known to have made notes
on a copy of the Breviate in preparation for a reply, and that
inquiry was made for the copy of the book in which they
were entered.
" Memorand. to ask Mr. Dell s Lady for
My Lord s Annotations on Prynne s Book, which he calls the Archbishop s
Diary. My Lord hath noted the book quite through with his own hand ; his
notes are written in the margin, which is large. The book is in folio, stitched
up in a blue paper.
Another book in folio and stitched up like the other, called A Breve of the
Archbishop s Enormities set forth by Prynne ; noted also as the former with
my Lord s own hand.
S3
260 NOTICE.
The account of some particulars in my Lord s charge, which my Lord would
not answer to in particular, but in general cleared himself; and would not
manifest his warrants and orders, lest anything might prejudice the King his
master s honour. This is two sheets of paper, folded up but not stitched;
endorsed with Mr. Dell s hand thus : An account of some particulars, &c.
A copy of the Queen s three letters to my Lord, wherein she seemed to take
it unkindly, that my Lord was so severe against Popish priests. They are tied
together with a small red thread.
The original of my Lord s observations on his sufferings, with short hints on
his dreams since a prisoner, which strangely prophised (sic) the success which
since befel the kingdom. Tis a thin paper book, in 4to., half written through,
without a cover.
All these, with divers others, Mr. Dell showed me at Mr. Gore s house, (in
Maiden-lane I think tis,) and promised to deliver them all to me, which I am
confident he had done, but that I was in France when he died, which fell out
a month before our appointed meeting in London.
Endorsed : A note of papers in the hand of Mrs. Hatton ; given unto rne by
Mr. Birkenhead.
Also, in another hand : A note of papers concerning Archbp. Laud, in the
hands of Mrs. Hatton and Sir John Birkenhead." Tanner s MSS., (in the
Bodleian Library,) vol. Ixi. fol. 243.
Before the present Editor met with these memoranda, he
had ascertained that some papers of Archbishop Laud were
to be found in the " Warrington Museum and Library." And
on inquiry it appeared that that institution was in possession
of a copy of Prynne s Breviate, filled with marginal notes,
evidently by the Archbishop ; and though they are certainly
not in his handwriting, yet they possess internal evidence
that they were transcribed from his autograph. On the title-
page of the volume is written, in a contemporary hand,
" Memorand. Mr. Prynn presented this worke of his to the Lds., Sep. 2nd,
1644, y e same day that y e poor Archbp. was to make his recapitulation, divers
Lords holding it in their hands all the while, &c."
And beneath this, apparently in the same hand, is written,
" This I suppose was written by Mr. Dell, secretary to Archbp."
The volume was presented to the Warrington Museum and
Library by Mr. Crosfield, of Fir Grove, near Latchford. It
appears to have been purchased by his father about twenty
years ago, at a book-stall in Manchester ; but the book
contains no record of its earlier history, or the names of any
of its previous owners.
The Editor desires to express his acknowledgments to
Mr. Marsh, the Hon. Sec. of that institution, for the pains he
has taken in transcribing this interesting document, and for
the information he has obligingly furnished respecting it.
MAEGINAL NOTES,
Sufficient portions of the Breviate are here introduced, to make the Notes
intelligible. The references are to page and line.
Epistle Dedicatory. P. 1, 1. 17. Trouble of making good the
charge against the Archbishop, which I gladly would have
declined^] Many think you might if you would, and it
would have been much better.
1. 18. the importunity of diverse honourable friends. ,] I can
not hastily believe this.
p. 2, 1. 2. A misconstruction, which some no doubt will make
of my publications in this kind.~] A no misconstruction.
1. 13. Exile in foreign parts, to which this Arch-Prelate had
eternally designed me.~] I was no author of y e business,
and therefore could have no design.
1. 16. in selecting me above all others, contrary to my inclina
tion and desire, to be both the seizer and peruser of his
papersJ] He y* will, may believe this.
1. 19. principall meanes of making good his charge. ] Under
favour, tis not made good.
1. 22. this imposed employment. ] But was it not first
sought for ?
1. 30. There are, to my knowledge, some hundreds of pious
Christians quite ruined . . . by . . . this oppressing Arch-
Prelate. ] For this I leave him to God.
BREVIATE, &c. Preliminary paragraph, last line. Some pas
sages . . . are here totally omitted. ] The reader will find
many passages wch were objected at my Tryall.
p. 1 . 1. 2. He was born . . . of poor and obscure parents. ~]
All this, if true, is no fault of mine.
Parents. ] My father had born all offices in y e town
save y e mayrolty.
262 MARGINAL NOTES
In a cottage. ,] The bowsing wch my father dwelt in
is rented at this day at thirty-three pounds a-year.
1. 3. Just over against the cage.~] The cage stood two streets
of from my father s house all his life time,, and divers
years after,, as many yet living know. By whom it was
removed into y e street, and why out again, I know not.
1. 9. The cottage pulled down, and new built by the Bishop. ~\
No one stick of y e cottage was pulled down by me.
1. 12. but that God reserved him to be a future scourge .
to this Church and State, <Sfc.] Who told him so ? God
grant himself be not what he says I am.
1. 15. He cameapoore scholler to Oxford.~] J Tis true I was
poor enough a , yet a commoner I was till I was chosen
scholler of y e house.
1. 23. He became Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire, which
after proved his great happiness^] These words in my
diary relate not to my being Chaplin to y* Hon ble pson,
but to another hope cast of b .
p. 2, 1. 3. His supposition (for B.D. degree) . . . concerning
the efficacie of Baptism, was taken verbatim out of Bellar-
mine. ] Not possible ; and I hope it is yet to be seen c .
1. 4. Doctor Holland openly reprehended him in the schools. ]
My tenet was, and is still, y* Episcopatus is Jure divino :
But it was when I p r ceeded D r ; and it is a notorious
untruth y* Dr. Holland said any such thing.
1. 10. Which this day he puts into . . . his diary.] The
words in my diary are these : My cross about y e E. of
Devon.
1. 12. Dr.Ayry questioned him for a Sermon, fyc.~\ And
upon full hearing, absolved me in all particulars.
1. 27. The suite about the Presidentship of Saint John s began,
in which there was great toivsing.~\ Not by me, for I lay
very sick at London.
1. 30. Dr. Abbot . . . opposed him, as foreseeing he ivould
prove a dangerous firebrand, fyc.~\ There was another
reason, in wch I shall spare y e dead.
[In Palmer s Nonconformists Me- Mrs. Burnegham.]
morial, (under the name of William b [See above, p. 132.]
Bailey, of Stoke Fleming,) it is c [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial,
stated that the Archbishop owed his chap. xl. p. 380 in marg.]
college education to the liberality of
ON PBYNNE S BREVIATE. 263
1. 44. He set up a great organ in Saint John s Chapel.~] But
it was at S 1 Wi. Paddy s cost, having bin a student of y fc
colledge.
p. 3, 1. 15. / became C. (Confessor) . . . to the Duke of
Buckingham.] Note it well : for if I became his Con
fessor, it was no ways fit to write down those passages
in paper.
1. 21. He desired (his answer to Fisher) might pass in the
name of ... R. B. } lest he should be thought too much
engaged thereby against his friends the Papists] Any
thing but malice might have found another reason ; for
this was not mine; if it had, I would not have been
farther in gaged since.
1. 35. / dreamt that L. K. (Williams) was dead.] What
warrant have you y fc he is meant ?
p. 4, 1. 5. That I had given the Church such a wound in
speaking to any Lord of the laity about it.] Had this
come from me, it would have had a Note this in y e
margent d .
1. 21. It is credibly reported that the Duke made the Bishop
at that time put off his gown and cassock, and then to
dance before him like an hobgoblin] Here by y r self;
but I sollemnly avow there was never any such thing.
1. 34. Oct. 10, / fell at night in passionem iliacam] This
is mistaken either of me or by me, for I never had y*
passion.
p. 7, 1. 11. In January he compiled the book for the King s
coronation.] This is a most notorious untruth. The
words in my diary are, Librum habui paratum/ wch is
to have a booke ready, not to compile a booke.
1. 12. Hee altered the coronation oath.] And this is a most
false and un-Xtian slander, and, I very beleive, ag st his
own conscience. The whole business I have answered in
Parliament 6 .
1. 42. This speech of his (King Charles s at the opening of the
Parliament, 1626) was penned for him by this pragmati
cal Bishop.] I was an auditor then, but had nothing to
do with y e penning of y* speech. And for ought I can
d [Referring to the marginal notes e [Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap,
of this kind in the Breviate. ] xxxiii. pp. 319, seq. in marg.]
264 MARGINAL NOTES
find either in my notes or memory, there was no such
copy evidenced ag st me.
p. 8, 1. 27. The Bishop . . . was such a sworn vassall to the
Duke, that he penned his speech which he made ....
against the Commons " impeachment .] Not vassall,, but
such a poor true friend as y* honble person s favours
had made me. That wch follows I have answered in
Parliament f .
1. 47. At this time Urban the Eighth sits Pope.~\ Here my
diary adds, y 1 if Pope and Spaniard wou d desier any
thing acceptable for their ends, they could not think of
a better course then these distractions of this great
councell of y e kingdom. But note y* this is left out.
p. 9, 1. 26. If A. B. C. $c. (that is, if the Archbishop of
Canterbury died . . . that he should succeed him. ] This
is y e author s coment upon his A. B. C. Note it.
1. 31. Stephen Boutin, SubdeaconJ] Tis Subdean in my
diary.
1. 34. Gracious King Charles^] In my diary tis, a serenis-
simo Rege Carolo.
1. 37. The . . . king . . . gave me thanks, ,] I humbly pray
you to do so.
1. 55. / . . . held the cup to him. ] In y* Breviate in wch
y e Archbp. has made [his notes], tis printed City, and
in this place he has [noted], In my diary tis Calicem.
Note y*. 8 . . .
p. 10, 1.12. I dreamed I had been reconciled to the Church
of Rome. This dream distracted me.~\ I hope y c reader
will note my trouble at y e dream, as well as y e dream.
1. 36. He whispered me in the eare, fyc.~\ And I pray note
y* this allso was a wild fancy in a dream.
1. 45. The exceptions which the Abp. of Cant, exhibited
against the sermon of Dr. Sibthorpe were first brought
to me.] I have answered this allso in y e High Court
of Parliament h .
f [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, occurs, as e. g. in S. John s College
chap. xlii. pp. 400, 401 in marg.] Lib. Oxford, and in the King s Lib.
[This note was evidently added by Brit. Mus.]
the transcriber of the original notes. h [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial,
Other copies of the Breviate have chap, xxxvii. pp. 356, 357 in marg.]
been found in which the word City
ON PRYNNE S BKEVIATE. 265
p. 11, 1. 10. / went to my Lord of Rochester to consider
about the Abp. of Cant. ] I did this by comand.
1. 16. Which commission (against Abbot) being of his own
procurement. ~] This is a most notorious scandal and
slander cast upon me.
p. 13, 1. 2. That I was as like (to be sacrificed) as anyJ\
This was not forgotten at my tryall.
1. 39. What a professed votary . . . this Bishop was to the
Duke of Buckingham will appear by these his special
prayers for him.~\ What sin of mine was it to pray
often for an honble pson to whom I was much bound,
and in his times of danger ?
p. 14, 1.1. That he was privy to his journey into Spain.]
I was never made acquainted with y* journey till after
they were gone two days at least. And this also was
remembred at my tryall *. And for y e ensuing prayer
wch I made when I heard of it, let y e Christian reader
judge of that.
1. 2. Which voyage was purposely plotted to pervert him in
his religion. ] This is more then I know or ever shall
beleive ; and bare articles are no proofe.
1. 28. This prayer (for the D. of Buckingham) was much
daubed through frequent use.~\ If y e prayers be good, y c
frequent use cannot be ill : Tho he labours to make an
ill construction of them.
p. 15, 1. 15. And when I would have put it (my Rochet) on
again, I could not find it.~] Indeed, all this consider d,
His time to note this k .
1. 20. Parliament .... laboured my ruin.~] It follows in
y e Diary, ( but God be thanked, nothing was found
ag sfc me/
p. 17, 1. 3. find in L. T.~] Is it not possible he was mistaken
in decyphering these letters, as well as he was very
grosly in his Rome s Masterpiece, p. 29 * ?
1 [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, " Dr. S. with me at Fulham
chap. xl. pp. 381, 382 in marg.] meant of Dr. Smith, the Popish
k [Prynne had written, " NOTE " in Bishop of Chalcedon." See Home s
margin opposite this entry.] Master Piece, p. 598 in marg. in this
1 [The Archbishop refers to the edition, and the entry in the Diary
following passage, quoted by Prjnne above, p. 215.]
from his Diary, 1632, Junii 25 :
266 MARGINAL NOTES
1. 26. Master Francis Windebanke . . . ivas sworn Secretary
of State, .] This was objected allso at my tryall m .
1. 31. Dr. Juxon . . . at my suit sworn Clerk of his Majesty s
closet. ] I know no sin in this.
1. 42. The Feofees .... ivere dissolved, fyc.~] This allso was
urged and answer d at my tryall n .
p. 18, 1. 15. / dreamed that L. L. (the Bishop of Lincoln). . .
offered to sit above me at the Council Tabled} May not
this authour dream here waking as much as I did
sleeping.
1. 24. / went presently to the King, and acquainted him both
with the thing and person.] I did herein as y e law binds
me, yet this was objected first in Rome s M r peice and
after in my tryall P.
1. 30. Somewhat dwelt within me, which would not suffer
that, till Rome were other than it is.~\ The reader allso
I hope will note, y* my conscience went ag st this 1.
1. 35. I praise God for it, I lost neither man nor horse. ] So
I have noted this already 1.
p. ]9, 1. 7. he (Prynne) tare it (a letter sent by him to
Laud). ] This Mr. Atturny told me.
1, 21. the Queene sent for me, and gave me thanks, fyc.] This
allso was objected and answered at my tryall 1 .
I. 37. my account to the Queen put off, fyc. ] This allso was
objected and answered at my tryall 8 .
1. 47. My old friend Sir F. W(indebank) forsook me. ] Yet
actions of his charged upon me at my tryall after this
breach had made us strangers -, tho it appears here y 4
this authour knew y e breach and strangness between us.
p. 20, 1. 27. William Juxon . . . made Lord High Treasurer
of England . . . God bless him in it.~\ This also was
objected ag st me at my tryall 1 ; but I hope it was no
crime to pray for him in y fc slippery place, and y* y e
Church might have no hurt by it.
m [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 1 [These two remarks refer to the
chap. xli. p. 394 in marg.] word note/ marked opposite these
n [Ibid. chap, xxxix. pp. 371, 372 passages in the margin.]
in marg.] r [History of Troubles and Trial,
[Rome s Masterpiece, p. 596 in chap. xl. p. 382 in marg.]
marg.] * [Ibid. p. 383 in marg.]
P [History of Troubles and Trial, * [Ibid. chap. xxix. p. 289 in marg.]
chap. xl. p. 383 in marg.]
ON PHYNNE S BREVIATE. 267
p. 21, 1. 22. That the devill had left that house to me.~\
I humbly desire y e reader to note these libells.
1. 29. My free speech . . . concerning the increase of the
Roman parti/. ] I desire this may be noted too.
1. 37. No question, but there is a great concurrence between
them and the Puritan party in England. ] I desire allso
it may be noted.
p. 22, 1. 6. I settled with him a great business for the Queen.]
This allso was objected ag st me at my tryall u , and
I answered it so far as it needed any.
1. 34. If the Parliament should prove peevish. ] This allso
was charged upon me at my tryall v and answer d : But
it was an ill phrase, and unadvisedly dropped from
my pen.
1. 39. / received the Queen s gracious assurance of her
favour. ,] This allso was objected ag st me and answer d x .
1. 51. Since I have got Canons.] This passage of my diary
was burnt while it was in M r . Pryn s hands y. In y* wch
remains is no mention of getting Cannons ; but these
words wch are pfect (namely : my deliverance was great,
God make me thankful for it) are here omitted.
p. 23, 1. 31. In that studie hung my picture taken by the
life. ] This I could not but observe in y e troubles of y e
time ; and it was not spar d at my tryall z .
p. 24. marg. Where he then burned most of his privy letters
and papers, ,] M r . Maxwell was by comand of y e honble
House to be by me all y e while. And he was not one
minute from me, and knows I did not burn any one
paper.
1. 18. / see what justice I may expect, fyc.] The former
part of this passage was burnt allso in M r . Pryn s hands,
and y e same left impfect tho here roundly set down.
It was objected allso at my tryall, and answer d a .
1. 29. He would by no means lie in the lodgings in which the
Bishop of Lincoln formerly lay . . . though fittest for him,]
This man will be judge of my very lodgings; but by his
leave they were no ways fitt for me.
u [History of Troubles and Trial, * [See Diary, May 11, 1640.]
chap. xl. p. 383 in marg.] z [History of Troubles and Trial,
T [Ibid. chap, xxiii. p. 230 in marg.] chap. xlii. p. 408 in marg.]
* [Ibid. chap. xl. p. 383 in marg.] [Ibid.]
268 MARGINAL NOTES
1. 32. No more till I came to the end of Cheapside.~] This
passage was burnt allso in part, and made up by y e
author.
p. 26, 1. 34. I dreamed . . . I found the roof of some part of
the college . . . ready to fall down. ] In my diary it fol
lows, (God be mercifull,) wch is here left out.
p. 28, 1. 15. You are there to search all the prisoners, fyc.]
In y e warrant wch I then caVd to see, it was expressly
y* our pockets should be search d; wch is omitted in
this warrant, but why I know not.
1. 36. To overthrow the feofment.~] This urged ag st me, and
answered at my tryall b
1. 39. To give all impropriations , fyc.] And this .
1. 40. To set upon the repair of S. Paul s Church. ] And
this for y e manner d .
1. 41. To collect, fyc., the statutes of the University of Oxford.]
And this e .
1. 44. To settle the statutes of all the cathedral churches.]
And this f .
p. 29, 1. 33. Ludicra.] These, as I remember, were things
taken at some idle causes in y e High Comission, as
there were too many such passages g .
1. 42. Such pure devout Archprelatical recreations.] These
ludicra were no recreations of mine.
1. 46. The first is for pardon of that foul scandalous act of
his, in marrying the Lady Rich, fyc.] It seems this man
is angry, y* if in my younger times I comitted any sin
I should be sorry and repent.
1. 49. He fell into another grievous sin, perchance unclean-
nesse.~] I bless God for his grace in it, there never
fastn d upon me y e least suspition of this sin in all my
life, till this unclean pen of his hath brought it in with
a perchace. And I am much to seek what charity there
is either in pticular to defame me under no more proofe
then a perchace, or in generall under pretence of dan
gerous papers, to take from me my book of Private
b [History of Troubles and Trial, marg.]
chap, xxxix. p. 371 in marg.] f [Ibid. p. 306 in marg.]
c [Ibid. chap. xxx. p. 297 in marg.] B [The Ludicra referred to are no
d [Ibid. chap. xxv. p. 244 in marg.] longer extant.]
[Ibid. chap. xxx. pp. 304, 305 in
ON PRYNNE S BKEVIATE. 269
Devotions ; and thus, ag st all course of Christianity, to
publish them to [friends and foes] alike. God of his
mercy look upon ....
p. 30, 1. 17. perhaps uncleanes (altered in ink to perchance
uncleanes). ] This perchance is as charitable as y e
former.
1. 27. Doctor Goodwin s son attests that he suborned Dr.
Metcalfe to poison his father. ] It is well known in
Oxford y* D r . Goodwin died a natural death. I never
had any acquaintance with D r . Metcalfe, not y e least ;
and D r . Goodwin s son, to y e grief of all his fathers
frieds, is a known runagate. Whether will this man s
malice carry him ag st me. Besides, this prayer was
made an. 1617, and D r . Goodwin died not till 1619, two
years after h . So y e reader may observe how malitiously
this is thrust in, as if I made this my prayer upon y*
occasion.
p. 31, 1. 14. his tyrannic, his reviving the Scottish wars. ]
This I praise God I never did.
1. 15. Dissolving the Parliament.] Nor this, as tis well
known ; nor y t wch follows.
1. 21. caused one of them to be hanged.~] Nor did I any
thing in this, but left it to y e law.
L 31. marg. note. The premises and charge will informe you
(why the people were enraged against him). ] It may be
so, if all yt M r . Pryn says may be beleived.
1. 41. Accused . ... of high treason, as well he deserved. ~]
I hope other men think not so.
1. 42. Arrogantly plead his innocency before God.~] No
arrogance ; far be it from me, especially before God.
p. 32, 1. 7. Arch-incendiarie against them (the Scots). ] God
knows what services I have done y* nation, and to time
I leave it.
As for other things, [t]ho y e Act of Parliament be
for oblivion, [y]et M r . Pryn will have nothing forgotten
which he thinks may hurt me.
1. 37. These prayers strictly enjoy ned to be daily read in
churches. ] No otherwise than as I was comanded.
1. 40. He received several letters from the King.~] I could
h [William Goodwin died June 11, 1620. (Wood, F. 0. i. 297.)]
270 MARGINAL NOTES
not refuse to receive those letters from his Maj^, and
so much I humbly acknowledged to y e Eight Honble y e
House of Peers, when they sent unto me for the same
benefice of Chartha for another.
p. 33, 1. 19. This . . . letter from the Lady Aubigny.~] For
this letter, it was about an absolution in Court ; and
I sent it to M r . Lieutenant, y* then was, before I
rnedled with it.
1. 37. How many . . .preferments he passed through . ... at
most of which he was never resident. ,] This is under
M r . Pryn s hand, not under mine.
1. 39. He procured most of his preferments . . . by unlawful
actions] I bless God I never got any preferment by
unlawful means ; nor by any one of these nam d.
1. 44. superstitious observer . ... of his own idle dreams]
An observer, but not superstitious, as appears by my
diary cited by M r . Pryn, p. 22.
1. 48. malicious enemy to the Bishop of Lincoln.] Nothing
near so much as y r self, as appears in y r books.
1. 50. The King .... he oft miscounselled] Never know
ingly in my life.
p. 34. 1. 4. Instrument to the Queen and Popish faction . . .
persecutor of the zealous Protestant party.] I was no
instrument for y e one, nor persecutor of y e other.
1. 7. How odious he became both to Parliament and people. ]
Never ; nor odious till he and his complices helped to
make me so.
1. 9. Arch-incendiary. ] Nor an incendiary, nor a busie
bodie, nor an exemter of y e Clergy, &c.
1. 20. at the I2th charge.] God be mercifull to M r . Pryn,
when these 12 shall be his [jury] at y e last day.
1. 23. His pulling doivn of the parish church of Saint
Gregories.] I gave no order for y e pulling down of
S*. Gregory s. And if y e parishioners had followed my
counsel at first, they had saved both their mony and
their travel.
1. 32. the Archbishop was grown so unthankful as to demolish
S. Gregory s Church, who introduced the first dregs of
Popery.] So then, in M r . Pryn s judgment, a man
should not be unthankfull to y e very dreggs of Popery.
ON PRYNNE S BKEVIATE. 271
1. 37. was a good omen. ] So then M 1 . Pryn s superstition
can take some things as ominous.
1. 41. He concluded his visitation at Bar kin Church. ] I know
not where Sir Nat. Brent,, my Vicar Gen 11 , concluded
my visitation ; lout this great prophet foresaw y*, tho
I did not visit at Barkin in person, yet I should in pson
visit y e Tower, and sit in his seat, w h was a bold part for
me to do.
1. 50. His See s downfall by his meanes.~] No, if it have any
downfall, tis by his and other sectarys means.
p. 35. 1. 5. The vane which had the Archbishop s armes in
it, had a humbling cast. ] What y e truth . . is I know not,
but ... no great reason . . . M r . Culmer s Cath . . .
1. 26. and durst not come home, the evening was so foul.~\
Here follows in my Diary these words, (which was God s
great blessing both on him and me,) what dangerous
words are these, y fc they are omitted ?
1. 32. Sept. 19.] The Diary says it was y e 18th day; and
y* I praised God for it, I lost neither horse nor man.
God grant all ominous p r sages to end so.
J. 34. A . . .presage of . .*. the Archbishop sinking through
his pride and violence.^ I should be sorry my pride or
violence were equal to M r . Pryn s.
1. 39. Struck proud Canterbury dead at heart, ,] And yet
alive as long as it shall please God.
1. 41. His own fatall dreame at Oxford. ] For this dream.
First. I wonder how it came to pass I should set down
so many dreams in my Diary, and omitt this more
memorable then any of y e rest.
Secondly. Upon y e faith of a Christian, I never had
this dream.
Thirdly. My mouth did not attest it at my tryal.
But when I heard a person of great honour affirm
y* I told it, I thought it better to hold my peace, then
fall into contestation with a person I ever honoured.
Fourthly. The truth (as I shall one day answer it) is
this and no other : When I was first Archbishop, one
M r . Badger, an atturny at law, my kinsman by mar
riage, but a separatist, came to me to Lambeth, and
told me he heard y* when I was young I had had this
272 MARGINAL NOTES ON PRYNNE S BREVIATE.
dream, but could not or would not tell of whom he
heard it. I verily think y e credulous and bold man was
purposely sent to abuse me to my face. I told him he
was set on to abuse me, and protested to him y i I never
had any such dream. Yet not long after he told it
to M r . Pryn . . . M r . Pryn had not told it to him first.
M r . Pryn, without further enquiry, prints it in a
And as I hope for comfort in my Saviour, this is true
uncharitable conclusion, my life is in y e hands of
God blessed be his name. But let not M r . Pryn
call for blood .
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
TROUBLES
AND
T R Y A L
OF THE
Mo ft Reverend Father in God
WILLIAM LAUD,
Lord Arch-Bifhop
Of CANTERBURT.
Wrote by Himfelf, during his Imprifonment in the Tower.
Psal. XL 3. Old Tranflation.
The Foundations will be cajt down ; and wJiut hath the Righteous done ?
Or, as it is Rendred in the laft Tranflation.
If the Foundations be dejtroyed ; what can the Righteous do ?
LONDON,
Printed for 3&t.<{)ttfc)eU, at the Eofe and Crown in St. Paul s
Church-Yard, M DC XCIV.
LAUD. VOL. Til.
[The following notices are extracted from the original MS. preserved in
S. John s College, Oxford, which has been carefully collated for this Edition, and
the pages marked by figures enclosed in brackets, and inserted in the text.
Written on the fly-leaf:
" This is the originall History of Archbishop Laud, all wrot with his own
hand, delivered to me October 31, anno 1693, by my Lord Abp. Bancroft; and,
according to his command, published by me, anno 1694 ; put into the presse,
March 10, anno 1693.
I will that after the publication of the Printed Copies, this originall Book be
delivered by my Executors to the President and Fellows of St. John s Collegde
(sic) in Oxford, if it be not hereafter sent by me to them before my death.
HEN. WHAETON."
In the same hand, but other ink :
" It was published in the end of November, 1694."
Then two lines, and H. Wharton s signature erased.
" I delivered it to Mr. "William Louth, Fellow of the said Colledge, (deputed
by the President and Fellows of the said Colledge to receive it by a Publick
Instrument under the Colledg seal,) together with the Original Diary of
Archbishop Laud, on the 27th day of December, 1694.
HEN. WHAETON."
Opposite to the first page the following texts are written by the Archbishop :
" The foundations will be cast down, and
what hath the righteous done] Ps. xi. 3.
Or, as it is rendered in the last
translation,
If the foundations be destroyed, what
can the righteous do?
Non apposui ultimam Manum,
W. CANT."]
(1)
3 THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES
OF
WILLIAM LAUD,
LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANT. :
WHICH FELL UPON HIM, DECEMB. 18, 1640. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF DURING HIS
IMPRISONMENT IN THE TOWER.
CAP. I.
THE History of my Troubles which fell upon me, Decemb.
18, 1640, being Friday a . Upon this day, Mr. Densell Hollis,
second son to John Earl of Clare b , by order from the House
of Commons, came up to the Lords, and accused me of high
treason ; and told the Lords, they would make 1 proof thereof
in convenient time; but desired in the meantime that I
might be committed to safe custody.
This was strange news to my innocency ; for this I can
say of myself, without falsehood or vanity, that to the utter
most of my understanding, I served the King, my gracious
master, with all duty and faithfulness, and without any
1 [Originally written, and desig. (sic) Acquainted their Lordships that they
would alleadge the cause, and make ]
a [Archbishop Bancroft, in hia notefi bers accused by the King of high
on this history, (MSS. Lamb. Numb, treason (see above, p. 243). He sided
577,) suggests a different commence- for a while with the popular party, but
ment. It will be sufficient to mention remaining abroad during the greater
here, once for all, that the original part of the rebellion, promoted Charles
MS. has been carefully followed, ex- II. s restoration, and was made a peer
cepting where otherwise indicated, and in 1660.]
that Archbishop Sancroft s notes have c See llushworth s Collections, par.
been consulted all through, and their 3, vol. i. pp. 122, 123 ; Prynne s [Can-
suggestions adopted where it seemed terbury s Doom, or] Compl. Hist, [of
advisable.] the Abp. s Trial,] p. 19, &c. H. W.
b [Holies was one of the five mem-
T2
276 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
known or wilful disservice to the State therewliile. And this
I did, with as true and free a heart as ever any man did, that
served a king. And I thank God, my care was such for the
public, that it is well known I much neglected my own
private fortunes therewhile. The more was I amazed at the
first apprehension of this heavy and undeserved charge.
Upon this charge I was commanded to withdraw. But I
first desired leave to speak a few words : and I spake l to this
effect : That I was heartily sorry for the offence taken against
me ; and that I was most unhappy to have my eyes open to
see that day, and mine ears to hear 2 such a charge; but
humbly desired their Lordships to look upon the whole
course of my life, which was such, as that I did verily
persuade myself no one man in the House of Commons did
believe in his heart, that I was a traitor. Here my lord the
Earl of Essex d interrupted me, and said, That speech of mine
was a scandal put upon the whole House of Commons, that
they should bring me up charged 6 with so high a crime, which
themselves did not believe/ I humbly desired then, that I
might be proceeded with in the ancient parliamentary way
of England. This the Lord Say f excepted against; as if I
would prescribe them how they should proceed/ So I with
drew, as I was commanded, and was presently called in again 3
to the bar, and thence delivered to Mr. James Maxwell, the
Officer of the Black Rod, to be kept in safe custody, till the
House of Commons should further impeach me^.
Here I humbly desired leave, that I might go home to
fetch some papers, necessary for my defence. This was
1 [ I spake inserted afterwards.] 2 [ hear inserted afterwards.]
3 [ again inserted afterwards.]
d [Robert Devereux, third Earl of treason by the House of Commons, in
Essex, the celebrated Parliamentarian their own names, and in the name of
general.] the whole kingdom of England) be
e Viz. should charge me. H. W. committed to the safe custody of the
f [William Fiennes, Viscount Say Gentleman Usher attending this high
and Sele, one of the most active parti- Court, and that he be sequestered from
sans of the Parliament, The Arch- the said House until his Grace shall
bishop s replies to his speeches against clear himself of the accusation that
the Bishops and Liturgy will be found shall be laid against him by the said
in vol. vi.J House.
s See the Order of the Lords for his " The Lords further ordered that no
commitment, apud Prynne, p. 22. member of the House should visit
[" December 18, 1640. It is this day the Archbishop without leave of the
ordered, that th.; Lord Archbishop of House."]
Canterbury (being accused of high
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 277
granted me, with some difficulty; and Mr. Maxwell was
commanded to attend me all the while I should stay. When
I was gone to Lambeth, after some little discourse (and sad
enough) with my steward, and some private friends, I went
into my chapel to evening prayer. The Psalms for that day 11
gave me much comfort, and were observed by some friends
then present, as well as by myself. And upon the comfort
I then received, I have every day since (unless some urgent
business prevented me) read over both these Psalms, and,
God willing, purpose so to do every day of my life. Prayers
being ended, I went with Mr. Maxwell, as I was commanded ;
hundreds of my poor neighbours standing at my gates to see
me go, and praying heartily for my safe return to my house :
for which I blessed God and them 1 .
1 [ Here . . . them. The whole of this paragraph inserted in marg.]
h Psal. 93 and 94. In vu^gata Editione, Ps. 92 &
278 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
CAP. II.
AND because here I am sure to find myself, being now
imprisoned, I will begin further off, and shew briefly why,
and l how, this malignity pursued and overtook me,
When I was first Bishop of London, his Majesty expressed
a great desire which he had to settle a Liturgy in the Church
of Scotland, and this continued in agitation many years.
And what my part was therein, I shall clearly and ingenu
ously set down hereafter 8 , when I come to answer the
Scottish accusations of me in that behalf, or the articles of
the Parliament here, one of which relates to them 2 . In the
year 1633, his Majesty went into Scotland, and was crowned
there. I attended his Majesty in that Service. The Parlia
ment then sitting in Scotland was very quick about some
Church affairs, and the King was (2) much unsatisfied with
some men and their proceedings. At his Majesty s return,
in the same year, I was, by his special grace and favour, made
Archbishop of Canterbury, 19 Septembris. The debate about
the Scottish Liturgy was pursued afresh ; and at last resolved
by the King, that some Scottish Bishops should draw up a
Liturgy, as near that of England as might be ; and that then
his Majesty would have that confirmed and settled for the
use of that kingdom.
This Liturgy was carefully considered of, and at last printed
and published, an. 1637. It seems, the Bishops trusted
with this business went not the right way, by a General
Assembly, and other legal courses of that kingdom. But
what way soever was taken, or in whomsoever there was a
failure 3 , this was certain in the event: the Bishops were
deceived in their expectation of a peaceable admission of that
Service-book ; the King lost the honour and safety of that
settlement ; and that kingdom such a form of God s service,
as I fear they will never come near again ; and that people,
1 [ why, and in marg. but erased.] 2 [ or . . . them. in marg.]
3 [ or ... failure/ in marg.]
a P. 71. [of orig. MS. See below, p. 168 in marg.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 279
by cunning and factious l practices, both at home and from
hence, heated into such a frenzy, as will not easily be cured.
And tis well, if we their neighbours run not mad for
company.
These violent distempers continued from the publishing of
this Service-book, in the year 1637, till the year 1638. Then
they grew up into a formal mutiny ; and the Scottish subjects
began to petition with arms, in their mouths first, and soon
after in their hands. His Majesty was often told, that these
northern commotions had their root in England. His
Majesty s goodness was confident upon the fidelity of his
subjects of both nations, and would not believe that of either,
which was most true of a powerful faction in both : till at
last, after much intercourse and mediation lost and cast away,
the King was so betrayed by some of his own agents, that
the Scots appeared upon their borders in a formal army.
His Majesty went with an army to Barwick. There, after
some stay, a pacification was made ; and his Majesty returned,
Aug. 3, 1639, to White-Hall 2 .
Now during all this time, from the publishing of this
Service-book to this pacification, I was voiced by the faction
in both nations to be an incendiary, a man that laboured to
set the two nations into a bloody war ; whereas, God knows,
I laboured for peace so long, till I received a great check for
my labour. And particularly at the beginning of these
tumults, when the speech of a war first began in the year
1638, openly at the Council-Table at Theobalds, my counsels
alone prevailed for peace and forbearance, in hope the Scots
would think better of their obedience b . But their counsels
were fomented to another end, as after appeared.
The Pacification being made, was in terms as followeth :
(3.)
The Articles of the Pacification .
1 . " The forces of Scotland to be disbanded, and dissolved
1 [ and factious interlined.] 2 [ Aug White-Hall. in marg.]
b See this confirmed by the King s land, from their first Originals," &c.
own testimony, in his large Declara- Lond. 1639.]
tion, p. 420, W. S. A. C. [The title of c [The Articles of the Pacification
the book is, " A Large Declaration and the Act of Pacification are written
concerning the late Tumults in Scot- in the hand of an amanuensis.]
280 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
within eiglit-and-forty hours d after the publication of his
Majesty s declaration being agreed upon.
2. " His Majesty s castles, forts, ammunitions of all sorts,
and royal honours to be delivered after the publication, so
soon as his Majesty can e send to receive them.
3. " His Majesty s ships to depart presently after the de
livery of the castles, with the first fair wind; and in the
meantime no interruption of trade or fishing.
4. " His Majesty is graciously pleased to cause to be re
stored all persons, goods, and ships, detained and arrested
since the first of November last past.
5. " There shall be no meetings, treatings, consultations,
or convocations of his Majesty s lieges, but such as are
warrantable by Act of Parliament.
6. "All fortifications to desist, and no further working
therein, and they to be remitted to his Majesty s pleasure.
7. " To restore to every one of his Majesty s subjects their
liberty, lands, houses, goods, and means whatsoever, taken
and detained from them by whatsoever means, since the
aforesaid time."
The copy of the Act of the Pacification as it passed f under
his Majesty s hand, and includes these Articles above
written, is as follows :
(5.)
" Ch. R.
" We having considered the papers, and humble petitions
presented unto us by those of our subjects of Scotland, who
were admitted to attend our pleasure in the camp ; and after
a full hearing by ourself of all that they could say or allege
thereupon, having communicated the same to our Council of
both kingdoms ; upon mature deliberation, with their unani
mous advice, we have thought fit to give them this just and
gracious answer :
" That though we cannot condescend to ratify and approve 77
the acts of the pretended General Assembly at Glasgow, for
many grave and weighty considerations, which have happened,
both before and since, much importing the honour and secu-
d Alias twenty-four hours. concluded 1639, June 17. Signed by
e AL shall. the King, June 18.
f The Articles of Pacification were
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 281
rity of that true monarchical government lineally descended
upon us from so many of our ancestors ; yet such is our
gracious pleasure, that notwithstanding the many disorders
committed of late, we are pleased, not only to confirm and
make good whatsoever our Commissioner hath granted and
promised in our name; but also, we are further graciously
pleased to declare and assure, that according to the peti
tioners humble desires, all matters ecclesiastical shall be
determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk, and matters civil
by the Parliament, and other inferior judicatories established
by law ; which accordingly shall be kept once a year, or as
shall be agreed upon at the General Assembly %.
" And for settling the general distractions of that our
ancient kingdom, our will and pleasure is, that a free General
Assembly be kept at Edinburgh, the sixth day of August next
ensuing, where we intend, God willing, to be personally pre
sent ; and for the legal indiction whereof, we have given
order and command to our Council ; and thereafter, a Parlia
ment to be holden at Edinburgh, the 20th day of August next
ensuing, for ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said
Assembly, and settling such other things as may conduce to
the peace and good of our native kingdom, and therein an
act of oblivion to be passed.
<c And whereas AVC are further desired, that our ships and
forces by land be recalled, and all persons, goods, and ships
restored, and they made safe from invasion : we are graciously
pleased to declare, that upon their disarming and disbanding
of their forces, dissolving and discharging all their pretended
tables and conventicles, and restoring unto us all our castles,
forts, and ammunitions of all sorts j as likewise, our royal
honours, arid to every one of our good (6) subjects, their
liberty, lands, houses, goods, and means whatsoever, taken and
detained from them, since the late pretended General Assem
bly V we will presently thereafter recal our fleet, and retire our
land forces, and cause restitution to be made to all persons of
their ships and goods detained and arrested, since the aforesaid
time : whereby it may appear that our intention in taking up
of arms was no ways for invading of our native kingdom, or to
* AL by the General Assembly, and h Articulo 7. [See above, p. 280.]
our Commissioner for the time being.
282 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
innovate the religion and laws, but merely for the maintaining
and vindicating of our royal authority.
" And since that hereby it doth clearly appear, that we
neither have, nor do intend any alteration in religion or laws,
but that both shall be maintained by us in their full integrity :
we expect the performance of that humble and dutiful
obedience which becometh loyal and dutiful subjects, and as
in their several petitions they have often professed.
" And as we have just reason to believe, that to our peace
able and well-affected subjects this will be satisfactory; so we
take God and the world to witness, that whatsoever calamities
shall ensue by our necessitated suppressing of the insolencies
of such as shall continue in their disobedient courses, is not 78
occasioned by us, but by their own procurement."
This Pacification was not much sooner made by the King,
than it was broken by the Scots. For whereas it was agreed
by the seventh Article, and is repeated in the body of the
Pacification, That every one of his Majesty s good subjects
should enjoy their liberty, lands, houses, goods, and means
whatsoever, taken, and detained from them since the afore
said time/ the Lord Lindsay *, in the name of the rest, made
a Protestation either in the camp at Dunns, or at the Cross
in Edinburgh, that no bishop or clergyman was included in
this Pacification, which yet in manifest and plain terms
extended itself to all the King s good subjects/ And this
protestation was so pursued, as that it obtained, and no
clergyman was relieved in any the particulars.
Upon this and other particulars agitated in Parliament
amongst them, his Majesty thought fit to look to himself, and
examine their proceedings further. To this end he often
called his Council, and in particular made a Committee of
eight, more particularly to attend that service. They were
the Ld. Bp. of London, then L. Treasurer k , the Ld. Marquis
Hamilton 1 1 , the Earl of Northumberland L. Admiral m , the
1 [ the Earl of Arundel Ld. Marshal, here inserted, but afterwards erased.]
1 P. 73. [of orig. MS. See below, taken of his character may be seen in
p. 170 in marg.] Clarendon, and in Burnet s Memoirs
k [ William Juxon. See Diary, March of the Dukes of Hamilton.]
6, 1635.] m [Algernon Percy, tenth Earl of
. [Jamea Hamilton, afterwards Duke Northumberland.]
of Hamilton. The opposite views
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 283
Earl of Strafford L. Deputy of Ireland 1 u , the Ld. Cottington ,
Sir Henry Vane p , and Sir Francis Windebanck 1, Secretaries,
and myself; to which was afterwards added the Earl of
Arundel Lord Marshal r . And though I spake nothing of
these Scottish businesses, but either openly at Council-table,
or in presence of all, or so many of this Committee as occa
sionally met, and so had auditors and witnesses enough of
what I did or said, yet it was still cast out among the
parties, that I was a chief incendiary in the business : where
yet, had I said or done any thing worse than other, there
wanted not Sir Henry Vane 2 to discover it s .
At this Committee many things were proposed diversly for
the aid and assistance of the King, and many proposals
rejected as illegal. At last the Ld. Lieutenant of Ireland
proposed the calling of a Parliament. Much was not said
against this, but much said for it * : nor indeed was it safe
for any man to declare against it, after it was once publicly
moved. So a Parliament was resolved on, and called against
April 13, 1640. At that time it sat down, and many tumul
tuary complaints were made by the Scots against the Bishops
and Church Government in England, and with great vehe-
mency against myself. All this while the King could get no
money to aid him against the Scottish rebellion. At last,
after many attempts, Sir Henry Vane 3 told the King plainly,
that it was in vain to expect longer, or to make any other
overture to them 4 . For no money would be had against the
Scots.
Hereupon his Majesty called all his Lords of Council
together, and upon Maii 5, being Tuesday 5 , at six in the
[ the Earl of Strafford . . , Ireland, in margin.]
2 [Another name erased and Yane inserted.]
3 [Originally written, At last, when, after many designs, no money would
upon any terms be had, Sir H. Vane, alias K. ]
4 [Originally written, attempts upon them. The next sentence omitted.]
* [ being Tuesday, in margin.]
n [Thomas Wentworth, Laud s well- in which latter office he succeeded Sir
known confidant and correspondent.] John Coke.]
[Chancellor of the Exchequer, af- 1 [Of whom frequent mention is
terwards Lord Treasurer. He went, made in the Diary.]
in 1649, ambassador to Spain, whence
he did not return.]
P [Treasurer of the Household, as
well as Principal Secretary of State,
See above, p. 191.]
See below, pp. 295, 296.]
. PP- *
,Dec.
See Diary, Dec. 5, 1639.]
28 i HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
morning, they met in the Council-chamber. I, by the
mistake of the messenger, was warned to be there at seven
in the morning (as, if need be, I can prove by sufficient
witness), and at that hour I came. By this accident I came 79
late, and found a resolution taken, to vote the dissolution of
that Parliament, and the votes entered upon ; my Lord Cot-
tington being in his speech, when I came into the Council-
chamber . All votes concurred to the ending of that Parlia
ment, save two. The persons dissenting were the Earls of
Northumberland and Holland u . I co-operated nothing to
this breach but my single vote : yet the very next day, libels
were set up in divers parts of the city, animating and calling
together apprentices and others, to come and meet in
S. George s Fields, for the hunting of William the Fox/ for
the breach of the Parliament/ This setting up of libels arid
animation of the baser people continued. I acquainted his
Majesty and the Council with it. But upon Monday night
following, being May 11, five hundred of them came about
my house at Lambeth, to offer it and me violence. By God s
merciful providence, I had some jealousy of their intent, and
before their coming left the best order I could to secure my
house ; and by the advice of some friends, went over the
water, and lay at my chamber in White-Hall that night, and
some other following. So, I praise God, no great hurt was
done. One young fellow only had a little hurt with a dag,
who was after taken and executed.
Thus you see, how the malignity of the time fastened and
continued upon me. For this libelling, in a very base and
most unworthy manner, continued 2 (8) against me. But not
one of them charged me with any one particular, save the
breaking of the Parliament, of which I was not guilty.
During that Parliament, the Clergy had agreed in Convo
cation to give his Majesty six subsidies, payable in six years ;
which came to twenty thousand pounds a year, for six years :
1 [ to the Council-chamber. in margin.]
2 [A long passage is here erased, which occurs in substance below, pp. 291
295, beginning, The King was very hardly put to it, to hang together. ]
11 [Henry Rich, beheaded in 1649.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 285
but the Act of it was not made up 1 v . His Majesty, seeing
what lay upon him, and what fears there were of the Scots 2 ,
was not willing to lose these subsidies, and therefore thought
upon the continuing of the Convocation, though the Parlia
ment were ended ; but had not opened those thoughts of his
to me 3 . Now, I had sent to dissolve the Convocation at
their next sitting; haste and trouble of these businesses
making me forget, that I was to have the King s writ for the
dismissing, as well as the convening of it. Word was brought
me of this from the Convocation-house, while I was sitting
in council, and his Majesty present. Hereupon, when the
Council rose, I moved his Majesty for a writ. His Majesty
gave me an unlooked-for reply, namely, that he was willing
to have the subsidies which we had granted him, and that we
should go on with the finishing of those Canons, which he
had given us (9) power under the broad seal of England to
make. And when I replied, it would be excepted against in
all likelihood by divers, and desired his Majesty to advise
well upon it : the King answered me presently, that he had
spoken with the Ld. Keeper, the Ld. Finch w , about it, and
that he assured him it was legal. I confess I was a little
troubled, both at the difficulties of the time and at the answer
itself, that 4 after so many years faithful service, in a business
concerning the Church so nearly, his Majesty would speak
with the Lord Keeper, both without me, and before he would
80 move it to me : and somewhat I said thereupon which pleased
not, but the particulars I do not well remember.
Upon this I was commanded to sit, and go on with the
Convocation. At first some little x exception was taken there 5 ,
by two or three of the Lower House of Convocation 6 , whether
we might sit or no. I acquainted his Majesty with this
but . . . up. in margin.]
Scots coming in, the last words erased.]
: but . . . me. in margin ]
time, . . . that originally written business, and that. ]
there/ interlined.] G [ of Convocation, interlined.]
v [The Act for levying the subsidy and Lord Keeper. Created Baron
was passed May 20, and presented to Finch, April 7, 1640. He retired to
the King May 25. See Nalson s Col- the Netherlands during the rebellion,
lection, vol. i. pp. 369, 370.] and, returning at the restoration, died
w [John Finch, successively Speaker at London, Nov. 20, 1660.]
of the House of Commons, Justice, and x Lege, question was made. IT.W.
Chief Justice, of the Common Pleas,
286 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
doubt, and humbly besought him, that his learned council,
and other persons of honour, well acquainted with the laws of
the realm, might deliver their judgment upon it. This his
Majesty graciously approved, and the question was put to
them. They answered as followeth under their hands :
" The Convocation being called by the King s writ, under
the Great Seal, doth continue, until it be dissolved by writ,
or commission under the Great Seal, notwithstanding the
Parliament be dissolved.
(C 14 Mali, 1640. " H. MANCHESTER y.
" Jo. FINCH, C. S." JOHN BRAMSTON Z .
EDWARD LITTLETON a .
RALPH WmTFiELD b .
JOHN BANKES c .
ROB. HEATH 11 ."
This judgment of these great lawyers settled both Houses
of Convocation. So we proceeded according to the power
given us under the Broad Seal, as is required by the statute
25 H. VIII. cap. 19. In this Convocation thus continued
we made up our Act perfect for the gift of six subsidies,
according to ancient form in that behalf, and delivered it
under seal to his Majesty. 6 This passed nemine ref rag ante,
as may appear apud Acta. And we followed a precedent in
my Lord Archbishop Whitgift s time, an. 1586 f , who was
known to be a pious and a prudent prelate, and a man not
given to do boisterous things against the laws of the realm
or the prerogative of the crown, but one that went just and
fair ways to both. Nor did this grant lie dead and useless ;
for divers processes are yet to be seen for the fetching in of
that which was so granted to the Queen s use, in case any
man refused payment \
Together with this Act for Subsidies, we went on in delibe-
1 [The latter part of this sentence in margin.]
y [Henry Montagu, Earl of Man- e [See the Grant of the Benevolence,
Chester, Lord Privy Seal.] Nalson s Collection, vol. i. p. 533.]
z Chief Justice of K. B.] f [See Strype s Life of Whitgift,
a [Chief Justice of C. P.] book iii. chap. xvii. vol. i. pp. 497, 498,
b [Serg. at Law.] and Appendix of Documents, Numb.
c [Attorney General.] xxxiii. vol. iii. p. 196. Oxf. 1822.]
d [Serg. at Law.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 287
ration for certain Canons, thought necessary to be added, for
the better government and more settled peace of the Church,
which began to be much disquieted by the proceedings of
some factious men (which have since more openly and more
violently l showed themselves) . In the debates concerning
these Canons, I dare be bold to say, never any Synod sat in
Christendom that allowed more freedom either of speech or
vote. The Canons which we made were in number seventeen ;
and at the time of the subscription no man refused, or so
much as checked at any one canon, or any one branch in
81 any one of them: saving a canonists or two, who excepted
against two or three clauses 2 in some of the last of the
Canons, (10) which concerned their profit and their carriage
towards the clergy ;. in which they were publicly, and by joint
consent, overruled in the House : and excepting Godfrey
Goodman Ld. Bishop of Gloucester, who was startled at the
first canon, about the proceedings against the Papists. This
canon is very express for the use of all good and Christian
means, to bring them out of their superstitious errors, and to
settle them in the Church of England. This canon would
not down with my L. of Gloucester. And the morning
before the subscription was to be, he came over to Lambeth
to me 3 ; and after great expressions of his dislike, I gave him
the best counsel I could, that he would keep himself out of
that scandal, which his refusing to subscribe would bring,
both upon his person, his calling, and the Church of England,
in these broken times especially. But I fell so short of
prevailing with him, that he told me plainly, He would be
torn with wild horses before he would subscribe that canon :
and so we parted.
1 [ and more violently in margin.]
2 [ two . . . clauses first written, a clause or two. ] 3 [ to me interlined.]
s Quaere, who were these Canonists, or perhaps proxies for some absent
and how had they votes in Convoca- members of the Convocation. H. W.
tion 1 Have we any such, properly so [Sir John Lamb, Dean of the Arches,
called ] W. S. A. C. and Dr. Heath, Chancellor of Peter-
I suppose to be here meant some borough, both civilians, sat in this
civilians, graduates legum sive utri- Convocation as Proctors; the former
usque juris, viz. of the Canon and Civil for the Clergy of Lincoln, the latter
(or Imperial) laws, or others perhaps for the Clergy of Peterborough. (Nal-
interested in the spiritual courts, being son s Collection, vol. i. pp. 352, 355.)
in Holy Orders, and sitting in that It appears (ibid. p. 371) that these
Convocation, either in their own right, very persons were called before the
as deans or archdeacons, or by dele- Upper House of Convocation on this
gation from the Clergy of some diocese; question.]
288 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
The hour of Convocation drew on ; and we met to sub
scribe the Canons. When it came to the Bishop of Glouces
ter s turn, his Lordship would neither allow the Canons nor
reject them 1 ; but pretended, (as he had once done about a
week before,) that we had no power to make Canons out
of Parliament time, since the statute of H. VIII. It was
then told his Lp., that we had the king s power, according to
that statute ; and that his Lp. was formerly satisfied by the
lawyers hands, as well as we ; and that this was but a pre
tence to disgrace our proceedings, the better to hide his
unwillingness to subscribe that Canon against the Papists ;
as appeared by that speech which he had privately used to
me that morning, and with which I publicly charged him
upon this occasion ; and he did as publicly in open Convoca
tion acknowledge, that he spake the words unto me. Besides
this, he was further told 2 , that in all synods the suffragants
were to declare themselves by open affirmation or denial of
the Canons agreed upon; and that therefore he ought to
express his consent or his dissent.
And though at that time I pressed it no further on him,
yet it stands with all reason it should be so. For otherwise
it may so fall out, that the Synod may be disappointed, and
be able to determine nothing. And it seems, they were
bound to declare in synod. For otherwise, when points of
difficulty or danger came, the fathers might have with more
safety forborne to vote ; which yet they did not. For in the
case of Nestorius in the Ephesine Council 11 , the heats grew
very high between Cyril of Alexandria and John of Antioch ;
and though most of the votes went with Cyril for the de
position of Nestorius, yet the rest held with John, who was
thought to favour Nestorius. So, for matter of opinion, and
point of faith, when Cyril had set out his twelve anathema-
tisms, recorded in the Acts of the Ephesine Synod 1 ; the
Eastern bishops in a body, and Theodoret by himself J, set out
1 [ would . . . them; in marg. It was first written, absolutely refused. ]
2 [ as appeared . . . told, in marg. It was originally written, Papists.
And further, that. ]
h Concil. Ephes. par. i. and ii. [pas- Cone. torn. iii. coll. 813, seq.]
m. Cone. Labb. et Coss. torn, iii.] J [See Cone. Eph. par. iii. eapp. ii.
Concil. Ephe.s. par. iii. [cap. i. and iii. Cone. torn. iii. coll. 828 888.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD, 289
their confutations of them. And this I believe verily they
had not done, the temper of those times considered, if they
might have sat still as spectators only, without declaring
their judgment.
But this appears more plainly by the Fourth Council of
Toledo, where it was decreed, That no man should dare to
dissolve the Council, till all things were determined and
subscribed by the bishops V for this makes it evident, that
every one who had a voice in council, was not only to declare
his judgment, but subscribe his name. Nor can I see, why
either the absence of a bishop being summoned thither, or
his departure thence before all things were concluded, should
be so penal, as by the ancient Canons it was, in case they
were not bound to declare their judgments being once come
thither; (it being all one upon the matter, to be absent
thence, and to say nothing there:) for by the Council of
Aries ] it was 110 less than excommunication. And though
that was after mitigated, in the Council of Orleans m , to sus
pension for six months, in the year 552, yet in the Council of
Sevil n , in the year 590, upon sight of the inconveniences
which fell upon it, it was made excommunication as it was
formerly.
And a precedent of this, we have in our own Acts of Con
vocation, an. 1571 . And this was not only since the act of
the submission of the clergy, but since the Reformation too.
For there it appears that Richard Cheyney^, Bishop of
Gloucester, for not attending the Convocation, though he
were then in Westminster, and going home without leave
k Concil. Tol. IV. cap. 4. Bin. to. ii. Decretum, lib. i. cap. 1. as the 10th
par. 2. p. 346. Concilium quoque mil- Canon of this Council. It is given by
lus solvere audeat, nisi fuerint cuncta Labbe and Cossart simply as a frag-
determinata; ita ut quaecunque deli- rnent. See Cone. torn. v. col. 1592.
beratione coiumuni finiuntur, Episco- C.D.]
porum sin^ulorum manibus subscri- [See Wilkins Concilia, torn. iv.
bantur.[ Cone. Labb. et Coss. torn. v. p. 261.]
col. 1705. D.E.] p I have seen the records of some
1 Concil. Arelat. II. can. 19. Bin. to. proceedings against this Bishop Chey-
i. par. 1. p. 589. [Cone. Labb. et ney, from which it appears that he
Coss. torn. iv. col. 1013. C.] was suspected of being a secret Papist,
m Concil. Aurelianense Y. [can. as was afterwards his successor, Bishop
xviii.] Bin. to. ii. par. 2. p.39. [Cone. Goodman. H. W. [See Strype s An-
Labb. et Coss. torn. v. col. 395. E. nals, chap. lii. vol. i. par. ii. pp. 277,
The date of this Council, according seq. Strype questions the fact that
to Labbe and Cossart, is A.D. 549.] he became Romanist. (Annals, chap.
n Concil. Hispalense. Ibid. p. 295. xxv. vol. i. par.i. p. 421. Oxf. 1824).]
[This is quoted by Burchard in his
IAUD. VOL. in.
290 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
asked of the Archbishop, was excommunicated by the joint
consent of all his brethren. Yet I may not deny, that in the
question of King Hen. VIII/s marriage with his brother s
wife, when the business came to voting in the Lower House
of Convocation, fourteen affirmed 1 that the law, De non
ducenda fratris relicta, for a man s not marrying the widow
of his brother, was indispensable; and seven denied; and
one doubted. As also in the Act of the Submission of the
Clergy, consisting of three articles, when it came to voting in
that House r , the first article was denied by eighteen, and
referred s by eight ; the two other were denied by nineteen,
and referred by seven ; the residue consenting unto all.
But neither of these, had they then been thought on, could
have relieved the Bishop of Gloucester ; because he neither
doubted nor referred, but peremptorily said to me that
morning, that he would be torn with wild horses before he
would subscribe that canon against the Papists. Arid yet,
when it came to the subscription, he would neither affirm nor
deny the canon, but would have turned it off, as if we had not
power to make those Canons. Therefore, when his Lordship
would not 1 do either, I, with the consent of the Synod, sus
pended him. Divers of my lords the bishops were very tender
of him, and the scandal given by him. And John Davenant,
then Ld. Bp. of Salisbury, and Joseph Hall, then Ld. Bp. of
Exeter, desired leave of the House, and had it, to speak with
my L. of Gloucester, to see if they could prevail with him. 8
They did prevail; and he came back and subscribed the
Canons, in open Convocation. But I told him : Considering
his Lp/s words, I did not know with what mind he sub
scribed ; and would therefore according to my duty acquaint
his Majesty with all the proceedings, and there leave it.
The subscription to the Canons went on, no one man else
checking at anything. And that work ended, the Convoca
tion was dissolved Maii 29, being Friday.
1 [From And though in p. 288, all written in opposite page. It was first
written, When, notwithstanding all this, he would not do either. ]
i Quatuordecim affirmasse, septem [Wilkins Cone. torn. iii. p. 749.]
negasse, unum dubitasse. Act a Synod. s [Abp. Bancroft objected to the use
Lond. an. 1533. MS. [Wilkins Cone. of this word. It appears to mean
torn. iii. p. 756.] appealed against. ]
r Acta Synod. Lond. an. 1532. MS.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 291
The Convocation thus ended, I did acquaint his Majesty
with my L. of Gloucester s carriage, and with that which was
done upon it. His Majesty, having other jealousies of this
Bishop besides this, resolved to put him to it. So his Lp.
was brought before the king and the Lds. in council ; and
restrained (11) to his lodging, and a writ, Ne exeat Regno,
sent him. But this writ proceeded not for anything said or
done by his Lp. in the Convocation, but upon other infor
mation which his Majesty had received from some agents of
his l beyond the seas *, as shall appear hereafter, if this be
objected against me. In the mean time, let that bishop rest
for me.
The Canons, thus freely and unanimously subscribed, were
printed. And at their first publication, they were generally
approved in all parts of the kingdom ; and I had letters from
the remotest parts of it, full of approbation ; insomuch that
not myself only, but my brethren which lived near these
parts, and which were not yet gone down, were very much
joyed at it. But about a month after their printing, there
began some whisperings against them by some ministers in
London ; and their exceptions were spread in writing against
them; and this set others on work, both in the western and
the northern parts 11 . Till at last, by the practice of the
faction, there was suddenly a great alteration, and nothing
so much cried down as the Canons. The comfort is, Christ
himself had his Hosanna turned into a Crucifige in far less
time. By this means the malice of the time took another
occasion to whet itself against me.
The Synod thus ended, and the Canons having this success 2 ,
but especially the Parliament ending so unhappily, the king
was very hardly put to it, and sought all other means, as well
as he could, to get supply against the Scots. But all that he
could get, proved too little, or came too late for that service.
For the adverse party in the late Parliament, or by-and-by
after, before they parted, ordered things so, and filled men s
1 [ some. . .his in marg.]
2 [Originally written, Before the first day which made the payment of our
subsidies due to the king, his Majesty was hardly put to it. ]
1 [See note to Laud s Letter to iii. pp. 1205, seq., and Nalson s Col-
Windebank of Sept. 23, 1638.] lection, vol. i. pp. 396, seq.]
u [See Rushworth s Collections, vol.
u 2
292 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
minds with such strange jealousies, that 1 the King s good
people were almost generally possessed that his Majesty
had a purpose to alter the ancient laws and liberties of the
kingdom, and to bring in slavery upon his people : a thing
(which for aught I know) his Majesty never intended.
But the 2 Parliament-men, which would not relieve the king,
by their meeting in that assembly, came to understand and
inform one another ; and at their return, were able to possess
their several countries with the apprehensions themselves
had ; and so they did. Upon this, some lords and others,
who had by this time made an underhand solemn confederacy
with a strong faction of the Scots, brought an army of them
into the kingdom 3 . For all men know, and it hath been in 8
a manner confessed, that the Scots durst not have come into
England at that time 4 , if they had not been sure of a party
here, and a strong one ; and that the King should be betrayed
on all hands, as shall after appear 5 .
By these and the like means, the King being not assisted
by his Parliament, nor having means enough to proceed
with his forces in due time, the Scots were brought in (as is
aforesaid c ) upon both King and kingdom. They, under the
conduct of Sir Alexander Leshley x , their general, passed the
Aug . Tyne at Newborne ?, and took Newcastle the next day after.
1640. And all this gross treason, though it had no other end than to
confirm a Parliament in Scotland, and to make the King
call another in England, that so they might in a way of
power extort from him what they pleased in both kingdoms ;
yet religion was made almost 7 all the pretence both here and
there ; and so, in pursuance of that pretence 8 , hatred spread
and increased against me for the Service-book.
The King, hearing that the Scots were moving, posted
(12) away to York, Aug. 20, being Thursday 9 . There he
l [ jealousies, that, originally written, jealousies, insomuch that. ]
2 [Originally written, And though I know not how or by whom, yet most
certain it is (as appeared evidently by the effects) a closing there was between
the discontented parts of both kingdoms. And the ]
3 [Originally added, to bring on a Parliament, and therein to do what they
r kased with the King- in both kingdoms. ]
4 [ at that time in marg.] 5 [ Upon this. . . appear. in marg.]
6 I fas is aforesaid) in marg] 7 [ almost interlined.
8 [ both . . . pretence in marg. Originally written, And so all along
hatred/Jfee.] 9 [ Aug. . . . Thursday. in marg.]
* [Alexander Lesley, afterwards created Earl of Leven.] r Aug. 17.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 293
soon found in what straits he was ; and thereupon called his
great council of all his Ls. and prelates to York, to be there
by Septemb. 24 z . But in regard the summons was short and
sudden, he was graciously pleased to dispense with the
absence of divers, both lords and bishops,, and with mine
among the rest. How things in particular succeeded there,
I know not ; nor belongs it much to the scope of this short
history, intended only for myself. But l the result of all was
a present nomination of some Lords Commissioners, to treat
at Ripon about this great affair with other Commissioners
from the Scotch army a .
But before this treaty at Ripon, one Melborne, or Mel-
drum, secretary to General Leshly (as he was commonly
said to be), at the Shire-house in Durham, when the
country gentlemen met with the chief of the Scottish army,
about a composition to be made for payment of three
hundred and fifty pounds a day for that county, expressed
himself in this manner, Septemb. 10, 1640 : I wonder that
you are so ignorant, that you cannot see what is good for
yourselves. For they in the south are sensible of the good
that will ensue, and that we came not unsent for, and that
oftener than once or twice, by your own great ones/ There
being a doubt made at these words, great ones/ he replied,
your own lords/ with further discourse. These words
were complained of, during the treaty at Ripon, to the
English Lords Commissioners, by two gentlemen of the
Bishopric of Durham, to whom the words were spoken by
Meldrum. The gentlemen were, Mr. John Killiiighall and
Mr. Nicholas Chaytor b ; and they offered to testify the words
upon oath ; but the lords require d them only to write down
those words, and set their hands to them, which they did
very readily. The lords acquainted the Scotch Commissioners
with the words. They sent to Newcastle, to make them
known to General Leshly. He called his Secretary before
1 [Originally written, After they had continued at York till October 28* ]
* [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. Both Chaytor and Killinghall \vere
iii. p. 1257.] members of the committee for settling
a [See their names, ibid. p. 1282.] the compositions for the county of
b [Afterwards a lieutenant-colonel Durham. (Rushworth s Collections,
in the royal service. (See Burke s vol. iii. p. 1274.)]
Extinct Baronetcies under the name.)
294 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
him, questioned him about the words. Meldrum denied
them. (Was that enough, against two such witnesses ?) This
denial was put in writing, and sent to Ripon. Hereupon,
some of the English Lords Commissioners required that the 85
two gentlemen should go to Newcastle to the Scotch camp,
and there give in their testimony before General Leshly. The
two gentlemen replied (as they had great reason to do), that
they had rather testify it in any court of England, and could
do it with more safety ; yet they would go and testify it
there, so they might have a safe-conduct from the Scottish
Commissioners, there being as yet no cessation of arms.
Answer was made by some English lords, that they should
have a safe-conduct. Hereupon one of the King s messengers
attendant there, was sent to the Scotch Commissioners for a
safe-conduct for the two gentlemen. He brought back word
from the Earl of Dumfermling c (to whom he was directed),
that the two gentlemen were unwise, if they went to give
such testimony at the camp. And then speaking with the
Ld. Lowdoii d , he came again to the messenger, and told him
that such a safe- conduct could not be granted, and that he
would satisfy the Earl that sent for it (who was Francis Earl
of Bedford 6 ). The messenger returning with this answer,
the gentlemen were dismissed. So the business died; it
being not for somebody s safety that this examination should
have proceeded ; for it is well enough known since that many
had their hands in this treason, for gross treason it was by
the express words of the statute of 25 Edw. III. c. 2. The
truth of all this will be sworn to by both the gentlemen yet
living, and by a very honest, grave divine, who was present at
all these passages at Ripon, and gave them to me in writing.
In this great council, while the treaty was proceeding
slowly enough, it was agreed on, that a Parliament should l
1 [This long passage, from about this great affair (p. 293, 1. 10.) ... Par
liament should, inserted on opposite page.]
c [Charles Seton, one of the Scotch See his character in Clarendon (Hist.
Commissioners.] Rebell. vol. i. p. 446), who, in coritra-
(1 [John Campbell, Lord, afterwards diction to the statement made below
Earl of, Lowdon, and Chancellor of by Laud, (p. 178 in marg.) that he
Scotland, one of the Scotch Commis- was eager for Lord Strafford s death,
sioners, both now, and at the treaty of expressly states the contrary that he
Newport.] was anxious to save his life, but died
r [ Francis Kussell, fourth Earl. He too soon.]
died of the small-pox, May 9, 1641.
OE ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 295
begin at London, Nov. 3 following : and thither the Com
missioners and the treaty were to follow ; and they did so.
After this 1 how things proceeded in Parliament, and how
long the Scotch army was continued, and at how great a
charge to the kingdom, appears elsewhere upon record; for
I shall hasten to my own particular, and take in no more of
the public than necessity shall enforce me, to make my sad
story hang together.
After they had continued at York till Octob. 28, the King
and the Lords returned ; and 2 the Parliament sat down
Novemb. 3. Great heats appeared in the very beginning.
On Wednesday, Novemb. 10 f , Tho. L. Wentworth, Earl of
Strafford, was accused by the House of Commons of high
treason, and committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell,
the Officer of the House ; and upon general articles sent up,
he was, upon Wednesday, Novemb. 25", committed to the
Tower. It is thought (and upon good grounds) that the
Earl of Strafford had got knowledge of the treason of some
men, and that he was preparing to accuse them. And this
fear both hastened and heated the proceedings against him.
And upon Dec. 4, being Friday, his Majesty, at the great
importunity of some Lords of his Council, gave way that 3 his
Council should be examined upon oath in the Earl of Straf-
ford s case ^ and I (with others) was examined that very day.
There were great thoughts of heart upon this business, and
somewhat vapoured out at men s tongues ; but the thing was
done.
Now 4 at, and after the breaking up of, the late Parliament,
Sir Hen. Vane 5 , at the private Committee concerning the
Scotch affairs (before mentioned), instead of setting down the
heads of the several businesses then treated of, writ down
what every man said at the Committee, though it were but
matter of deliberation and debate. Afterwards, by a cunning
convevance between his son (who had been Governor in New
1 [ were to follow . . . this in marg. Originally written, followed. ]
2 [ After . . . and in marg.] 3 [ to the Tower . . that on opposite page.]
4 [ Now in marg.] 5 [Two words erased after Vane s name.]
f Nov. 11. Rushworth. [Correctly.] 22. W. S. A. C. [Wednesday in this
e The Archbishop s Diary saith Nov. year fell on Nov. 25.]
296 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
England 1 ) 11 and himself, this paper, or a copy of it, was
delivered to some members of the House of Commons ; and
in all probability was the ground of that which was after
done against the Lord Stafford, myself, and others ; and the
cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords
and others of his Council examined, was, that so Sir Henry
Vane 2 might upon oath avow the paper which his son had
seen and showed 3 , and others be brought to witness as much
(had truth and their memories been able to say as much) as
his paper.
After the examination of me and others, concerning these
particulars, there arose great and violent debates in the
House of Commons against the Bishops, and particularly
their votes in Parliament 1 . After that, Decemb. 16, 1640,
they voted against the late Canons 1 , as containing in
them many matters contrary to the fundamental laws and
statutes of the realm, to the rights of Parliaments, to the
property and liberty of the subject ; and matters tending to
sedition, and of dangerous consequences k . I was made the
author of all, and presently (13) a Committee 1 put upon me
1 [ who . . . New England in marg.]
2 [Same two words omitted as before.] 3 [ and showed/ in marg.]
4 [Originally written, Canons, as being altogether against the King s pre
rogative, to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, the liberty and property of
the subject ; and containing other things tending to sedition and of dangerous
consequence. (Upon this occasion they took in the Canons made in King James
his time also, and condemned them for company.) I was/ &c.]
h [Having been elected by the dis- and what execution hath been made
affected people who had emigrated upon them, and by whom ; and to con-
thither. Neither governor nor people sider how far the Lord Archbishop of
were satisfied with each other, and Canterbury hath been an actor in all
Vane returned to England. His sub- t.:e proceedings of them ; and further,
sequent career is too well known to be to examine, how far he hath been an
here dwelt on.] actor, or in the great design of the
5 The Bishops were before this in- subversion of the laws of the realm,
veighed against in several speeches, and of the religion ; and to prepare
Nov. 7, 9, 21, 25, &c. Rushw. [par. 3. and draw up a charge against him,
vol. i. pp.22, 33, seq. 55, 58.] and such others as shall appear of-
k Vide Rushw. par. 3, vol. i. pp. 99 fenders in these particulars; and have
112. power to send for parties, witnesses,
1 The order for erecting this Com- papers, books, records, and to do any
mittee may be found in Prynne s other act which they in their judg-
Compl. Hist. p. 19. [ December 16, merits should think fit to conduce to
1640. This Committee is to prepare the business, and are to meet at four
the several votes concerning the new o clock this afternoon in the Star
Canons, and to make them ready for Chamber."
this House to present the same to the The Order of the House of Commons
Lords, and to consider and examine for the Archbishop s impeachment is
who were the promoters of these new thus entered in the Journal :
Canons, and who the principal actors, " December 18, 1640. Resolved upon
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 297
to inquire into my actions and prepare a charge. The same
morning in the Upper House, I was named as an incendiary
in an accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners : for
now by this time they were come to that Article of the Treaty
which reflected upon me. Ancl this was done with great
noise, to bring me yet further into hatred with the people,
especially the Londoners" 1 , who approved too well the pro
ceedings of their brethren the Scots, and debased the Bps.
and the Church Government in England. The Articles,
which the Scots put into the Upper House (by the hands of
their Lords Commissioners against me, Decemb. 15) were
read there Decemb. 16 l . I took out a true copy as it follows Decemb.
here 2 . And though I was to make no answer then, till the 16 lf
House of Commons had digested them, and taken as much
out of them as they pleased, to fill my intended charge
withal ; yet because I after found, that the House of Commons 3
insisted upon very few of these particulars (if any), I thought
myself bound to vindicate my innocency even in these par
ticulars, which shall now appear in their full strength against
.me, if they have any in wise and learned men s judgments 11 .
1 [ into . . . Decemb. 16. originally written, in against me, were read in the
Upper House. ]
2 [Originally added, with my answer to every particular. ]
3 [ the House of Commons originally they. ]
the question, that a message shall be m See the Petition of the Londoners
sent from this House to the Lords, to against the Bishops, presented Dec.
accuse William Laud, Archbishop of 11, 1640, apud Rushw. p. 93.
Canterbury, of high treason, in the u They are printed entire in Rushw.
name of this House and of all the p. 113, Pryn, p. 31, &c. Abbreviated
Commons of England, and to desire in Heylin s Life of Laud, p. 466. Pub-
that he may be sequestered from Par- lished by the Scots themselves, London,
liament, and committed; and that 1641, 4to. [under the title of "The
within some convenient time, this Charge of the Scottish Commissioners
House will resort to their Lordships against Canterburie and the Lieute-
with particular accusations and articles nant of Ireland. Together with their
against him ; and that Mr. Hollis go demand concerning the Sixt Article
up with the same." of the Treaty, &c. Printed, Anno Dom.
Prynne, after quoting these Orders MDCXLI."] and soon after by Pryn in
of the House, gives the speech of his Antipathy of the English Prelacy,
Harbottle Grimstone, which it is not par. i. p. 334.
thought worth while here to insert.]
298 H1STOEY OF THE TROUBLES AND T1UAL
CAP. III. 87
The novations in religion (ivhich are universally acknow
ledged to be the main cause of commotions in kingdoms
and states, and are known to be the true cause of our
present troubles) were many and great ; besides the Books*
of Ordination and Homilies. First, some particular altera
tions in matters of religion pressed upon us without order,
and against laiu, contrary to the form established in our
Kirk. Secondly, a new Book of Canons \_and Constitu
tions Ecclesiastical^. Thirdly, a Liturgy, or Book of
Common Prayer ; which did also carry with them many
dangerous errors in matters of doctrine. Of all these
we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as^ the prime
cause on earth e .
I SHALL easily grant, that ( novations in religion are a main
cause of distempers in commonwealths/ And I hope it will
be as easily granted to me (I am sure it should), that when
great distempers fall into kingdoms and commonwealths, the
only way to engage at home and get credit abroad is to
pretend religion, which in all ages hath been a cloak large
enough to cover (at least from the eyes of the many) even
treasons themselves. And for the present troubles 3 in
Scotland, novations in religion are so far from being known
to be the true cause/ as that it is manifest to any man that
will look upon it with a single eye, that temporal discontents,
and several ambitions 1 of the great men, which had been
long a- working 3 , were the true cause of these troubles; and-
that religion was called in upon the bye, to gain the clergy,
and by them the multitude.
1 [ and several ambitions in marg.] 2 [Originally written brewing. ]
a Book/ Rushw. their own formal words, sometimes in
b Eushw. and Pryn. oblique narration, and some Articles
c Which/ Rushw. and Pryn. mixed of the Archbishop s person as
d To be/ Rushw. speaking in one part of the period,
e [Archbishop Bancroft remarks: and the accuser the rest, very incon-
" The Articles of the Scottish Com- gruously."]
missioners are sometimes related in
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 299
For besides that which was openly spoken by the Right
Honourable James then Earl of Carlisle f , that somewhat was
a-brewing in Scotland among some discontented there, which
would break out to the trouble of this kingdom ; tis most
apparent, there were many discontents among them : some
whereof had no relation at all to religion, and were far an-
cienter than the troubles now began, and were all legally
proved against the Lord Balmerino g , who was condemned of
high treason before any of these stirs began. For there were
grievances/ as they said, ( propounded in the Convention,
an. 1628/ about coining, and their black money; which (they
say) were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633.
Murmuring also there was, as if the Articles and Parliament
were not free/ Great clamour likewise was there against the
Bishops power in choosing the Lords of the Articles /
though that power belonged unto them by the fundamental
laws of that kingdom. As much against the Act of Revoca
tion, and the taxations (which yet were voluntarily offered,
and miscalled on purpose to edge the people) : as also for
applying/ as they said, ( these taxations to wrong uses :
with all which, and more, religion had nothing to do. Nay,
this discontented party grew so high and so bold, that a very
base and dishonourable libel was made and spread against
the king, an. 1633, by these and the like pretences to alienate
the hearts of the people from him. Of this libel, if one liagg
were the author, Balmerino was the divulger, and so proved h .
Arid though it be true, that then also some things were said
to be done against the Church-government ; yet their nova-
88 tions now spoken of were not then on foot. So that it is
evident enough to any man that will see, that these commo
tions had another and a higher cause than the present pre
tended innovations. And if his Majesty had played the king-
then, he needed not have Buffered now. Besides, they are no
fools who have spoken it freely (since the Act of Oblivion for
the Scottish business was passed), that this great league
before mentioned 1 between the discontented party of both
1 [ before mentioned in marg.]
f [James Hay, Earl of Carlisle.] the proceedings is given in State Trials,
Process against the Ld. Balme- vol. i. pp. 407 458. Lond. 1730.]
rino: a copy whereof 1 had by me when h See K. Ch. Large Declaration,
I writ this. W. C. [A full account of p. 13, &c.
300 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
kingdoms, was consulted on in the year 1632, and after the
King s being in Scotland, an. 1633, it went on, till they took
occasion another way to hatch the cockatrice egg, which was
laid so long before.
(14) But they say, these novations were great, besides the
Books of Ordination and Homilies. So the Books of Ordi
nation and Homilies were great novations. Had they then
in Scotland no set form of ordination ? I promise you, that s
next neighbour to no ordination; and no ordination to no
Church, formal at least. And therefore if this be a novation
among them, it s high time they had it. And for the Homilies,
if they taught no other doctrine than, was established and
current in the Church of Scotland, they were no novations ;
and if they did contain other doctrine, they might have con
demned them, and there had been an end. Howsoever, if
these books be among them in Scotland, they were sent
thither in King James his time, when the Prelate of Canter
bury neither was, nor could be, the prime cause on earth of
that novation.
The other novations, which they proceed unto, are, first,
1 some particular alterations in matters of religion, pressed
upon them without order and against law. To this I can
say nothing, till the particular alterations be named. Only
this in the general : be they what they will, the Scottish
Bishops were to blame, if they pressed anything without
order or ( against law. And sure I am, the Prelate of Can
terbury caused them not, nor would have consented to the
causing of them, had he known them to be such. The two
other novations, in which they instance, are the Book of
Canons and the Liturgy, which, they say, contain in them
many dangerous errors in matter of doctrine/ To these, how
dangerous soever they seem, I shall give (I hope) a very
sufficient and clear answer ; and shall ingenuously set down
whatsoever I did, either in or to the Book of Canons and the
Liturgy, and then leave the ingenuous reader to judge, how
far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on earth of
these things.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 301
ART. I.
And first, that this Prelate was the author and urger of some
particular things l which made great disturbance amongst
us, we [make k ] manifest first by fourteen letters subscribed
W. CANT, in the space of two years, to one of our pretended
Bishops, Ballatine ; wherein he often enjoins him and our
other pretended Bishops to appear in the chapel in their
whites, contrary to the custom of our Kirk, and to his
[own *] promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh
at the coronation, That none of them after that time should
be more pressed to wear those garments ; thereby moving
him against his will, to put them on for that time.
Here begins the first charge about the particular altera
tions/ And first, they charge me with fourteen letters
written by me to Bishop Ballantyne ni . He was then Bishop
of Dunblain, and Dean of his Majesty s Chapel Royal there.
He was a learned and a grave man, and I did write divers
letters to him, as well as to some other Bishops, and some by
command; but whether just fourteen or no, I know not.
But sure I am their love to me is such, that were anything
worse than other, in any of these letters, I should be sure to
hear of it.
First, (15) then, they say, ( I enjoined wearing of whites, &c.
Surely I understand myself a great deal better than to enjoin
where I have no power. Perhaps I might express that which
his Majesty commanded me, when I was Dean of his Majesty s
Chapel here, as this reverend Bishop was in Scotland : and
his Majesty s express command was, that T should take that
care upon me; that the chapel there, and the service, should
be kept answerable to this, as much as might be ; and that
the Dean should come to prayers in his form, as likewise
other Bishops when they came thither n . And let my letters
1 Changes/ Rushw. and Pryn. pp. 148, 149,) may be here intro-
k Rushw. and Pryn. duced :
1 Rushw. and Pryn.
m [A* many of these letters as can " CHARLES R.
be recovered will be found in vol. vi. J " Our express will and pleasure is,
" [The following documents taken that the Dean of our Chapel that now
from Prynne (Hidden Works, &c. is, and his successors, shall be assist-
302
HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
be showed, whether there be any enjoining^ other than this,
and this way. And I am confident his Majesty would never
have laid this task upon me had he known it to be either
without order 3 or against law/
Next I am charged, that concerning these whites/ I brake
my promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh. Truly to the
uttermost of my memory I cannot recal any such passage or
* promise made to that reverend and learned prelate. And
I must have been very ill advised, had I made any such
promise/ having no warrant from his Majesty to engage for
any such thing. As for that which follows, c that he was
ent to the Right Reverend Father in
God, the Archbishop of Saint An-
drewes, at the Coronation, so often as
it shall happen.
" That the Book of the form of our
Coronation lately used be put in a
little box, and laid into a standard
and committed to the care of the
Dean of the Chapel successively.
" That there be prayers twice a day
with the quire, as well in our absence
as otherwise, according to the English
Liturgy, till some course be taken for
making one that may fit the customs
and constitutions of that Church.
" That the Dean of the Chapel look
carefully, that all that receive the
blessed sacrament there, receive it
kneeling, and that there be a Com
munion held in that our chapel the
first Sunday of every month.
" That the Dean of our Chapel that
now is, and so successively, come duly
thither to prayers upon Sundays, and
such holy days as that Church observes,
in his whites, and preach so, whenever
he preacheth there. And that he be
not absent from thence, but upon ne
cessary occasion of his diocese, or
otherwise, according to the course of
his preferment.
" That these orders shall be our
warrant to the Dean of our Chapel,
that the Lords of our Privy Council,
the Lords of the Session, the Advo
cate, Clerks, Writers to the Signet,
and members of our College of Justice,
be commanded to receive the holy
communion once every year, at the
least, in that our Chapel Royal, and
kneeling, for example sake to the
kingdom. And we likewise command
the Dean aforesaid to make report
yearly to us, how we are obeyed therein,
and by whom, as also if any man shall
refuse, in what manner he doth so,
and why.
" That the Copes which are conse
crated to our use, be delivered to the
Dean, to be kept upon inventory by
him, and in a standard provided for
that purpose, and to be used at the
celebration ot the Sacrament in our
Chapel Royal.
" To these Orders we shall hereafter
add others, if we find others more
necessary for the regulating of the
service of God there.
" At Whitehall, the eighth day of
October, 1633.
Sic subscribitur STERLING.
Superscribed by his Majesty."
" CHARLES R.
" Reverend Father in God, trusty
and well-beloved Counsellor, we greet
you well. We have thought good, for
better ordering of Divine Service, to
be performed in our Chapel Royal
there, to set down some Articles under
our own hand to be observed therein,
which we send you here enclosed.
And it is our special pleasure, that you
see everything carefully performed,
according as we have directed by these
our enclosed Articles. And likewise
that you certify to the Lords of our
Privy Council, if any of those appointed
by our former letters to them to
communicate in our Chapel Royal,
shall not accordingly perform the
same, to the effect such order may be
taken by our Council therein, as by
our said former letters to them we did
appoint : wherein expecting your dili
gence and care, We bid you farewell.
" From our Court at Whitehall, the
8th day of Octo. 1633."
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 303
moved against his \vill to put on those garments/ truly he
expressed nothing at that time to me ! , that might signify it
was against his will. And his learning and judgment were
too great to stumble at such external things : especially such
having been the ancient habits of the most reverend bishops
from the descent of many hundred years, as may appear in
the Life of S. Cyprian . And therefore the novation was in
the (Church) of Scotland, when her Bishops left them off, not
when they put them on.
In these Letter s,he (the Prelate of Canterbury) directs (Bishop
Ballantine) to give order for saying the English Service
in the chapel twice a day: for his neglect, showing him
that he was disappointed of the bishopric of Edinburgh ;
promising him upon his greater care of these novations,
advancement to a better bishopric.
For the direction for reading the English Service/ it was
no other than his Majesty commanded me to give. And I
hope it is no crime for a Bishop of England, by his Majesty s
command, to signify to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure
is for Divine Service in his own chapel. Nor was the reading
90 of the English liturgy any ( novation at all in that place.
For in the year 1617 I had the honour, as a Chaplain in
Ordinary, to wait upon King James of blessed memory into
Scotland P, and then the English service was read in that
chapel, and twice a day. And I had the honour again to wait
upon King Charles, as Dean of his Majesty s Chapel Royal
here 2 , at his coronation in Scotland, in the year ] 633 q : and
then also was the English service read twice a day in that
1 [ to me, in margin.] 2 [ as Dean . . . here, in margin.]
When S. Cyprian was brought to nal. Eccles. an. 261. n. 40, that it was
the place of his execution, "exuit se "lineum illud vcstimentum, Episcopis
lacernum [birrum] quern indutus erat, omnibus commune, Italice rocheto di-
&c. dehinc tunicam tulit, et diaconibus cunt." [This is an abridgement of
tradidit ; et stans in linea exspectabat Baronius s words, torn. ii. col. 710.
spiculatorem." [Acta Passionis S. Cy- Mogunt. 1601.] And by this passage
priani a Pontio Diacono.] Now if you concerning S. Cyprian, it is evident
ask, what that liiiea" was, sure it that this habit there mentioned was
could not be his shirt. For that could the usual and known habit of a bishop
not stand with his episcopal gravity ; in those times,
nor was it necessary for him, in regard p [See Diary, pp. 135, 136.]
of his kind of death, which was be- * [See Diary, p. 217.]
heading. But Baronius tells us, An-
304 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
chapel. And a strict command was given them by his Majesty,
that it should be so continued ; and allowance was made for
it. And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that
time or after, till these tumults began. And for Bishop Bal-
lantyn s missing the bishopric of Edinburgh, and my pro
mising him another upon his better care of his Majesty s
commands/ I gave him both the answers, and the reason, and
the promise, which his Majesty gave me, and commanded me
to write to him. It follows
(16.) That I taxed him (that is, Bishop Ballantine) for his
boldness in preaching the sound doctrine of the Reformed
Kirks against Mr. Michell ; who had taught the error of
Arminius in the point of the extent of the merit r of Christ.
They should do well to show my letter, and then I Avill
answer punctually to anything in it. In the meantime I do
not know that ever Mr. Michell preached Arminianism. For
that Christ died for all men is the universal and constant
doctrine of the Catholic Church in all ages 8 , and no error of
Arminius : ? and are the express words of Scripture itself, in
r Mercy Kushw. col. 161.] " Pro iis qui curari nolunt. 1
* " Christus crucifixus est propter ge- [" Ideo omnibus opein sanitatis detulit,
nus humanum." [Et yap Kal 6 irar^p ut quictinque perierit mortis sue cau-
UVTOU Kal avTos TcaQeiv ravra avrbv inrep sas sibi aseribat, qui curari noluit, cum
TOV aj/epajTrtiov ysvovs fvr}pyr)ffev. } S. remediumhaberet,quopossetevadere."]
Just. Mart. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 246. S. Amb. L. 2. de Cain & Abel, c. iii.
[ 95, p. 192. C. Paris. 1742.] [Ibid. col. 211.]
"Totanaturaredempta. 1 Athan.de " Pro Gentibus, sed illae non volue-
Incarn. Christi. Edit. Con. p. 66. [ H runt" [o fj.lv Xpia-rds Kal
i. S.
Trcwro \e\VTpcarai. [S.] Alhan. EAA^i/wi/ . . . TTCOS ovv, (pyaiv, OVK
de Incarn. [ 37. Op., torn. i. p. 79. C. ffTcva-av, cmoi;Ke0eA7](raj/.]-S. Chrysost.
Paris. 1698.] Horn. 7. in 1 Tim. 2. [Op., torn. xi.
" Pro orniii humano grege." [ Trep p. 586. D.]
irda"r]s TTJS avGpomivris aje\f)s.] Euseb. " Pro omnibus, si omnes redimi vel-
L. 10. De Demonstr. Evang. in praefat. lent" S. flieron. in 1 Tim. ii.l. [Pelag.
[p. 462. D. Colon. 1688.] apud S. Hier. Op., torn. xi. col. 1046. A.]
" Pro orbe universo. [ Pai/i 5es aL^aros Primasius, ibid, [apud Bibl. Max. Patr.
o\iyai K6(T/.iOi/ o\ov dvairharTovffai. ] torn. x. p. 237. H.]
Oreg. Naz. Orat. xlii. [Op., torn, i. p. " Nulla ratio dubitandi est ... [sed
696. D. Paris. 1630.] prorsus pro omnibus mortuus est
[ Yenit Redemptor,etdeditpretium, Christus]." Prosper, [seu ignotusauc-
fudit sanguinem suum, emit orbem tor,] lib. ii. deVocat. Gent. c. 16. [apud
terrarum." S.] Aug. in Ps. 95. [Op., S. Prosper. Op., col. 904. c. Paris.
torn. iv. col. 1478. B.] 1711.]
" Pro proditore suo" ["et ideo nee " ]S r on profidelibus tantum, sed pro,
proditorem debuerat praeterire, ut ad- &c." [Xdpin TOI> vibv avrov eSwwe els
verterent omnes, quod in electione Qdvarov, ov% wrep TWV iriarwv 5e fj.6vov,
etiam proditoris sui servandorum om- d\V vxlp r?is olKov^ev-rjs avdays.]
niuminsignepraitendit,"] S.Ambros. Theoph. in Heb. ii. 9. [p. 890. Lond.
L. de Paradiso, cap. viii. [Op., torn. i. 1636.] OZcumenius, ibid. [El jap KOL /}
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 305
more places than one*. And the Synod of Dort u , called pur
posely about the errors of Arnrinius, allows this for orthodox ;
Christum mortuum esse pro omnibus. And for my part I wish
with all my heart, that this had been the greatest error of
Arminius. But yet whether I taxed that worthy prelate for
this or no, I know not : this I know, that if I did tax him,
he deserved it. And for bishops, even of divers Churches,
to write one to another about points of divinity, yea, and
sometimes to tax one another too, as their judgments lead
them 1 , hath been usual in all times and places. The next
charge is
That I bid him send up a list of the names of the counsellors
and senators of the College of Justice, ivho did not commu
nicate in the chapel, in a form which was not received in
our Kirk : and that I commended him, when I found him
obsequious to these my commandments; telling him, that
I had moved the King the second time for the punishment
of such as had not received in the chapel.
Here I must desire again that f this letter of mine may be
produced. For I have cause enough to suspect some material
change in the matter or form of my words. Howsoever, if
they be justly set down, I answer, That if this be one of the
things which made great disturbance amongst them/ they
would be greatly disturbed with a very little. For first,
I writ nothing in this, but what I was expressly commanded
by his Majesty : and I have his Majesty s warrant under his
hand to keep a correspondence with that Bishop of Dunblain,
that from time to time he might receive his Majesty s direc-
1 [ yea . . . them, in margin.]
irdvres eff&Qt]ffav 8i& TT)V omeiav diria-rtav, quid in eo per ministros offertur, aut
ai/ros fj.i/Toi T& olKtiov eVl irdj/ras /cat promittitur hominibus, id eodem modo
- -/. (Ecum, Comm. ab Authore Evangelii oftertur et pro-
vol. ii. p. 329. B. Lut. Par. 1631.] mittitur iisdem . . .
1 S. Jo. iii. 17 ; 2 Cor. v. 1 5 ; Heb. " Sic ergo Christus pro omnibus mor-
ii. 9; 1 Tim. ii. 6 ; 1 Tim. iv. 10; 1 tuus est,ut omnes etsinguli,mediante,
S. Jo. ii. 1, 2. fide possint virtute dvrt\vrpov hujus
u " Nemo mortalium est, qui non remissionem peccatorum et vitam aeter-
possitvere et serio per ministros evan- nam consequi, &c." Sententia Theo-
gelii vocari ad participationem remis- logorum Magn. Britan. apud Acta
sionis peccatorum et vitae aeternoe per Synod. Dord. Artie, ii. Thes. iii. [apud
mortem Christi. (Act. xiii. 38, et S. Judic. Theol. Exter. pp. 78, 79. Lug.
Jo. iii. 17,18.) Evangelic autem nihil Bat. 1620.]
falsum aut simulatum subest ; sed quic-
LAUD. VOL. III. Y
306 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
tion by me for the ordering of all those things v . And how
soever, the l thing itself is no more than as if his Majesty
should command all his counsellors and judges here, once in
the year at least to receive the communion in his chapel at
White-Hall.
And if you say it is more, because it was to communicate
in such a form as was not received in the Churph of Scotland/
under favour that is not so neither. For this form here
spoken against was to receive it ( kneeling/ and to receive
the Sacrament kneeling was an Article of the Synod of
Perth w , made in a General Assembly, and confirmed by Act of
Parliament, both then in force when my letters were written.
And therefore either this form was received in their Kirk/
(which is here denied,) or else there was little obedience in
their Kirk, and Kirk-men, either to General Assembly or
Parliament x .
(17.) As for that which comes fluttering after, that I
commended him, when I found him obsequious/ I had reason
to do it : for (whatsoever is said here) it was to the King s
commands, not to mine. And the reason why I writ, that
I had moved the King a second time for the punishment of
such as disobeyed, 7 was, because the Bishop had written
unto me, that if some were not checked, or punished, none
would obey. And tis true, too, that 2 I took occasion, once,
and a second time, (but upon second letters of his to the
same effect,) to move the King; but only by showing his
Majesty what was written by him that was upon the place,
and trusted with the office. Nor did I ever meddle further
in those businesses, than by laying before his Majesty what
1 [ and I have . . . the in margin. It was originally written, by his
Majesty. And the thing itself, &c.] 2 [And . . . that in margin.]
v [Prynne (Hidden Works, p. 149) Assembly at Perth, an. 1618, par. 2,
gives the King s letter thus : p. 26. [The full title of the book is,
" CHARLES E. "A true Narration of all the Passages
" Canterbury, I require you to hold of the Proceedings in the General
a correspondency with the Bishop of Assembly of the Church of Scotland,
Dumblane, the present Dean of our holden at Perth the 25th of August,
Chapel Royal in Edinburgh, that so anno Dom. 1618, by Dr. Lyndesay,
from time to time he may receive our Bishop of Brechen. London, 1621."]
directions by you for the ordering of * See the Articles of Perth in Hey-
such things as concern our service in lin s Life of Laud, p. 78, and in Spots-
the said Chapel. wood s Hist, of the Church of Scot-
" October 12, 1683."] land, p. 538.
w Dr. Lindsay, Proceedings in the
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 307
was written to me to that end : leaving the King (as it became
me) to judge both of the motion and the person that made it,
as in his princely wisdom he thought fit. The next thing is,
that in these letters,
/ did upbraid him (Bishop Ballantine, that is,) that in his
first Synod at Aberdeen he had only disputed against our
custom in Scotland of fasting sometimes on the Lord s-day :
and that I did presumptuously censure their Kirk that
in this we ivere opposite to Christianity itself, and that
amongst us there was no canon^ at all. More of this
stuff may be seen in the letters themselves.
And my humble desire is that the letters may be seen/
For whatsoever account is made of ( this stuff/ it was once
(and in far better times of the Church) valued at a better
rate. And I shall not be ashamed of any stuff/ contained in
any of my letters to this Bishop or any other ; let them be
produced when they please. But what then is c this stuff ?
Tis, that 1 1 upbraid this worthy prelate about their custom
in Scotland of fasting sometimes on the Lord s-day : and
censure their Church presumptuously, as opposite herein to
Christianity/ Surely I do not use to upbraid meaner men
than the Bishop is ; much less presumptuously ( to censure a
Church/ If I thought (as I do) that prelate in an error for
only disputing against that which he should have reformed,
I conceive it was no upbraiding.
As for the custom in Scotland, of fasting on the Lord s-
day, it is not only sometimes/ as is here expressed, but *
continually, when they have any solemn fast, the Lord s-day
is the day for it. And if I did write, that that was opposite
to Christianity itself, I doubt it is too true. For it is against
the practice of the whole Church of Christ ; and that which
is so, must ( oppose Christianity itself/ And this I find : that
as apostolical universal tradition settled the Lord s-day for
holy and public worship, so from 2 the very Apostles times
the same general tradition hath in all times accounted it
1 [Originally written, and I would hope not without some sense of it, but &c.]
2 [ that . . . from in marg. Originally written, find, that from the very
next to the Apostles times ]
Were no canons, Rushw. and Pryn.
x .2
308 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
unlawful to fast upon that day. And if an ordinary fast were
not lawful upon that day, much less was a solemn. Nor is
there anything more clear in all antiquity. For in the Ca
nons of the Apostles/ (which if they be not theirs, are very
ancient,) If a priest did fast upon the Lord s-day, he was to
be deposed ; and if a layman, he was to be excommunicated z .
And l S. Ignatius tells us, if any man fast upon the Lord s -
day he is Christ s interfector, a murderer of Christ a : and
that I am sure is against Christianity itself. Tertullian pro
fesses tis altogether unlawful V The Council of Gangra,
held an. 324, decreed against it, and set an anathema upon
it ; and that not only when it is done in contempt of the
day/ but also ( though it be done as a help to continency c .
And S. Hilary agrees with this, and calls it not a custom, but
a constitution d / such a constitution, as that if any man
shall advisedly, and of set purpose, fast on the LordVday/
by the decree of the fourth Council of Carthage, he should
not be (18) accounted a Catholic e : and they must needs do it
advisedly, and of set purpose/ who appoint a public solemn
fast upon that day, and then keep it % 3 . And this was so
strictly observed in S.Ambrose s time, that it was not held
lawful to fast upon that day, no not in Lent V Nay, he goes
farther : for he says expressly, If any man make a law, or
give a command for fasting on the Lord s- day, he believes not
in the resurrection of Christ . And is not this opposite to
1 [ Nor is there . . . And in marg.]
2 [ .and they . . . keep it. in inarg.]
1 " Si clericus die Dominico jejuna- dvd6e/j.a tarco.] Cone. Gangren. Can.
verit, deponatur, si laicus segregetur," 18. [Cone. torn. ii. col. 424. The Latin
[Eins K\r)piK6s fvpeOfj TT\V KvpiaK^v fat- version is given, ibid. col. 426. E.]
pav i/TjcrreiW, . . . KaGaipeicrOa), ei Se d " Constitutum est, ne diebus Do-
AaiVcos, d<popii ffOca. ] Can. Apost. Can. minicis jejunaretur." S. Hil. Prcefat.
Ixv. [Cone. torn. i. col. 40. C.] in Psal. [Op., col. 8. A. Paris. 1693.]
a [Ei TLS Kvpia.Krij . . . vrja-revoi . . .] c " Qui die Dominico studiose jeju-
OVTOS Xpia-TOKTovos etTTiV. S. Ignat. nat, non credatur catholicus." Concil.
Epist. viii. ad Philippenses, [cap. xiii. Carthag. IV. Can. Ixiv. anno 398.
apud Cotel. Patr. Apost. torn. ii. p.119. [Cone. torn. ii. col. 1205. B.]
Amst. 1724.] f " Quadragesima totis, prater Sabba-
b " Die Dominico jejunare nefas esse turn, et Dominicum, jejunatur diebus."
ducimus." Tert. de Coron. Militis, [S.] Ambros. de EHa et Josu. cap. x.
cap. iii. [Op., p. 102. Paris. 1675.] [ 34. Op., torn. i. col. 545.]
c " Si quis tanquam hoc continentige e "Hoc est in resurrectione[m] Chris-
con venire judicans, die Dominico jeju- ti non credere, si legem quis jejtmii
naverit, ant in ejusdem diei contemp- die resurrection] s indicat." S. Anv
tum, anathema sit." [Et TLS 8ia vo^i- bros. Epist. Ixxxiii. [xxiii. Bened. 11.
evrf) Kvpiaicrj vrjcrTevoL, Op., torn. ii. col. 883 ]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 309
Christianity itself? And is not that legem indicere, when
they proclaim or command a public fast ? With him S. Au-
gustin joins very fully, and first says, it is a great scandal V
then he gives the reason of it ; c because Christ joined
mourning with fasting/ which becomes not this day/ unless
men think tis fit to be sorry that Christ is risen from the
dead. And this I am sure is opposite to Christianity itself.
For if Christ be not risen, then is our preaching vain, and
your faith is also vain */ After this he asks this question,
* Who doth not offend God, if with the scandal of the whole
Church of Christ, he will fast upon the Lord s- day > ? I will
not go lower down : this is enough if anything be. Yet this
I ll add, that as this fasting on Sunday was anciently prohi
bited, so was it never practised of old but by notorious and
professed heretics, as by the Manichees, who appointed that
day for fasting (so S. Aug. k ), and were justly condemned for
it (so S.Ambrose 1 ) ; and by Aerians, who fasted on Sunday
and feasted on Fridays (so Epiphanius m ) ; and by the Pris-
cillianists, whom S. Augustin therefore calls the ( imitators of
the Manichees n / and so they were indeed : for neither of
them believed, that our blessed Saviour was a true man, and
therefore disregarded the day of his resurrection, as appears
in S. Leo . And as against these the Council held at Caesar-
Augusta, an. 381, provided P, so before an. 324, the Council at
Gangrai made their canon against Eutactus the Armenian
monk, and his ground was pretence of abstinence, as if he
could never fast enough. This is enough; and all this is
h " Quisquis hunc diem jejunio de- jure damnamus." S. Ambros. Epist.
cernendum putaverit, . . . non parvo Ixxxiii. [xxiii. Bened. 11. Op., torn,
scandalo erit." S. Aug. Epist. Ixxxvi. ii. col. 883.]
[xxxvi. Bened. 2. Op., torn, ii.col. 101. m [ O0ev Trap 5 avrois Tre^tAoTi/UTjrat
0. Paris. 1836.] " Christus enim gau- /j.a\\ov ev Kupia/q? vnarevsiv, rerpaSa 8e
dium manducantibus, luctuin jejunan- Kal irpoa-dfipaTov saQitiv.] Epiphan.
tibus deputavit," S.Matt. ix.15. Ibid. Haeres. Ixxv. haer. 3. [p. 908. 13. C.
[ 5. col. 104. A.] Paris. 1622.]
1 1 Cor. xv. 14. n " Manichseorum simillimos." S.
" Quis non Deum offendet, si velit Aug. Epist. Ixxxvi. [xxxvi. Bened.
cum scandalo totius, quae ubique dila- 28. Ibid. col. 117. B.]
tata est, Ecclesice die Dominico jeju- S. Leo. Epist. xciii. cap. 4.
nareT Ibid, versus med. [16. col. p Cone. Caesar. August, can. ii. apud
110. A.] Bin. torn. i. par.l. p. 553. [Cone. Labb.
k "Ilium ut legitimum diem suis et Coss. torn. ii. col. 1009. D. E.]
auditoribus ad jcjunandum constitu- ( i Cone. Gaugrens. cap. xviii. [vide
erunt." S.Aug. Epist. Ixxxvi. [xxxvi. supra, note c ] et Baron. Annal. an. 361.
Bened. 27. Ibid. col. 117. A.] [] 53. [54. torn. iii. coll. 1039, 1040.
1 " Manicheeos ob istius diei jojunia Mogunt. 1601.]
310 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
within the compass of the primitive Church, which certainly
if these men did not scorn, they would never have urged this
against me. Well ! this is (they say) drawn out 1 of my
fourteen letters. Next they will prove me the author of many
disturbances among them.
2. By two papers of memoirs and instructions from the
pretended Bishop of St. Andrews, to the pretended Bishop
of Ross, [coming^ to this Prelate (that .is, of Canter
bury), for ordering the affairs of the Kirk and Kingdom
of Scotland.
It is manifest here by their own words, that these me
morials and instructions/ whatsoever they were, had not
me the Prelate of Canterbury for their prime cause on earth ;
for they came from the reverend and prudent Archbishop of
St. Andrews s , to the reverend Bishop of Ross i , by him to
deliver u to me, for the ordering of the affairs of the Kirk
and the Kingdom of Scotland/ Surely, I think no man
will judge it to be a crime in me, to give my brethren, the
Bishops of Scotland, the best counsel, and with that counsel
the best assistance to his Majesty, that I could in their
Church affairs 2 ; considering their absence, and remoteness
from him, and the place that I bear about him. And for
my own part, had I been defective therein, I should have
thought myself not only unkind to them, but faulty otherwise
in my duty, both to his Majesty and that Church. But for
the affairs of that kingdom/ (though I had the honour to be
a sworn counsellor of that State v as well as this,) yet I never
meddled with them, but at such time, and in such a way,
as I was called and commanded to by his Majesty. Let us
therefore see the particulars, which are named.
As not only to obtain warrants to order the Exchequer, the
Privy Council, the great Commission of Surrenders, the
matter of Balmerinoe s process, as might please our pro-
1 [< urged ... out in margin. Originally, This out of my. ]
2 [ in their Church affairs ; in marg.]
r The word coming is added from * [John Maxwell.]
Rushw. and Pryn. u To be delivered.
s [John Spottiswoode.] v [See Diary, June 15, 1633.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 311
lates ; but warrants (19) also for the sitting of the High
Commission Court once a week in Edinburgh ; and to gain
from the noblemen, for the benefit of the prelates and
their adherents, the Abbacies of Kelsoe, Arbroth, St.
Andrews, and Lindores.
For the first of these, e my obtaining warrants to order the
Exchequer there ; that is indeed an affair of the kingdom/
and a great one. But all or most that I did herein, was at
the earnest entreaty of the Earl of Traquair w , Treasurer
Depute, and after that Ld. Treasurer; who avowed to me,
that if the orders were settled for the Exchequer, he would
not only bring the King out of debt, but raise him some
revenue also ; with a protestation further, that for that, and
some such like particulars, he could trust no hand but mine
in his absence to get them done, and kept private. And at
so great an officer s entreaty, and for matters under his own
charge a , I could not refuse so much service for the King, as
was pretended by him.
As for orders to the Privy Council/ I remember not any
procured by me. And sure I am, if I did anything to that
honourable body, it was by his Majesty s command, and in
relation to Church affairs there. And for the great Com
mission of Surrenders/ in which both the bishops and the
inferior clergy were deeply interested, and did much fear the
loss of their tithes, and to be made stipendiaries ; I conceive,
I had all the reason in the world to give them my best
assistance ; and yet I undertook not this care, till his Majesty
gave me a special command to do what I did 2 . And if the
bishops were in anything mistaken in this commission, that
cannot charge x upon me, who followed it no further than
I received special directions from his Majesty for the public
goody. For the Lord ( Balmerinoe s process/ I heard much
discourse of it at Court, but I meddled nothing with it, one
way or other, saving that at the entreaty of some men of
honour of that nation, I did twice (if not thrice) adventure
1 [ and . . . charge, in marg.]
2 [ to do what I did. in marg.]
w [John Stuart, created, June 22, > [See the Archbishop s Letter to
1633, Earl of Traquair.] the Earl of Traquair, July 4, 1637.]
1 Be charged.
312 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
to become an humble suitor to his Majesty in that Ld. s
behalf. And this was all the harm I did him.
As for the High Commission Court/ if there were no
fault in it, as such a Court, then I am sure there could be
none in the sitting of it once a week. If the having of such
a Court be a fault, (as it seems tis now accounted, as well
here as there,) yet for my own part, with all humble sub
mission to better judgment, I cannot think it is; and I must
still pray, that both nations have not cause to repent the
abolishing of it. But howsoever, this was not of ray pro
curing. A Scotchman of good place was employed about it
from the bishops, and effected it ; and I could name him ;
but since it is here charged as a fault, I shall accuse no man
else, but defend myself. And this for the sitting of it once
a week. But for the establishing of that Court in that
kingdom ; that was done long before I was a bishop, or had
anything to do in the public. For it appears by one of the 9;
greatest factionists z in that kingdom, that the High Com
mission Court was settled, and in full execution, in the year
1610, when all men know I led a private life in Oxford; by
which it is more than manifest, that I neither was, nor could
be, author of this pretended novation, or any disturbance
that followed from it *.
The next is a great charge indeed, were there any truth in
it: that I laboured to gain from the noblemen, for the
benefit of the prelates and their adherents, the Abbacies of
Kelsoe, Arbroth, S. Andrews, and Lindores/ To begin at the
ast ; the man that followed that, was Mr. Andrew Lermot a .
1 [ establishing . . . from it. in marg.]
"Ad Anglicani tribunalis exem- diem vi subigunt, et miserum in
plar formatum est an. 1610. aliud modum opprimimt Spottiswodius
in Scotia, cujus authoritate, et potes- Andreapolifcanus, Lawes Glascuensis,
tate altaris Anglicani eKTwroj/ effor- &c." Altare Damascenum, p. 28.
mandum erat. Quidam ministri Typis excusus est hie liber an. 1623.
episcopalem jurisdictionem et tyran- [Auctore Dav. Calderwood sub nomine
nidein in Ecclesia affectantes, arinati Edv. Didoclavii.]
sunt potestate utriusque gladii, quo a [This appears to be the same per-
facilius episcopalem dominationem son as Andrew Learmouth, who was
invaderent ; idque sub diplomate employed as the means of commimi-
Regio, absque ullo statute vel specie cation between the Bishops who re-
minima consensus procerum et ordi- mained in Scotland, and their brethren
num regni, ut in Anglia. Delegata who were in London. See llusk-
Commissariorum jurisdictione freti, worth s Collections, vol. ii. p. 748.]
Ecclesiam nosiram in hunc usque
OJ? ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 313
He came recommended to me very highly, and with assurance
that the title which he laid to Lindores was just and legal.
But notwithstanding all this, my answer was, that I knew
not the laws of that kingdom, nor would meddle with any
thing of that nature. And though he made great means to
me, yet he could never get me to meddle in it ; and which is
more, I told him and his friends, that for so much as I did
understand, I did much fear this way, taken by him, would
do mischief. And though Mr. Lermot have the general
repute of an honest and a learned man ; yet for this very
business sake, I have made myself a stranger to him ever
since : and that all this is truth, he and his friends yet living
are able to testify.
(20.) For S. Andrews, his Majesty took a resolution to
rebuild the cathedral there ; which he found he could no way
so well do, as by annexing that abbey to the Archbishopric
of S. Andrews, with a legal caution for so much yearly to be
laid out upon that building. My Ld. Duke of Richmond
and Lenox b , who was owner of it, had for it thousand
pounds. The Earl of Traquair (who then managed the Ld,
Duke s affairs) made the bargain with the King ; and that
which I did in it, was merely to consider how security might
be given that the money, which the King intended for so
good and great a work, as the rebuilding of that cathedral *,
might be employed to the right use, and no other.
For Arbroth, my Lord Marquis Hamilton c , without any the
least thought of mine that way, made his earnest suit to
me, that his Majesty would take Arbroth, and join it to the
very poor Bishopric of Brechin, close to which it lay, and
give him for it a suit d here in England. At his Lp/s
entreaty I obtained this ; and he very nobly conveyed
Arbroth, as he promised. But things were so carried by the
E. of Traquair, the Ld. Treasurer of Scotland, that the poor
Bp. of Brechin e could never get that settled upon his See ;
1 [ as the . . . cathedral, in marg.]
b [James Stuart, third Duke of d Viz. Grant a request, or favour
Richmond.] desired.
c [James Hamilton, third Marquis, e [Walter Whitford.]
frequently mentioned in this history.]
314 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
which was not the only thing in which that Ld. played fast
and loose with me.
For Kelsoe, the like earnest suit did my Ld. the Earl of
Roxborough f make to me of himself for an exchange, and
pressed me three or four times before he could get me to 96
move his Majesty. Indeed, I was fearful lest the King
should grow weary of such exchanges ; (for sure I was, what
soever was pretended, none of these lords meant to lose by
their bargain;) till at last, my Ld. of Roxborough was so
honourable, as that he would needs leave Kelsoe to the
King s disposing, and stay for such recompence as he should
think fit to give him, till his Majesty found his own time.
This (at his earnest entreaty still) I acquainted the King
with : and so that business settled for a small time ; but how
tis now, I know not l . And this was all that ever I did about
Arbroth and Kelsoe. And these two honourable lords are
yet living, and will witness this truth. But the charge says
further
That in the smallest matters, they (the prelates) received his
commandments. As for taking down galleries and stone
walls, in the Kirks of Edinburgh and St. Andrews, for
no other end but to make way for altars and adoration
towards the east; which (beside other evils) made no
small noise and disturbance amongst the people, de
prived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for public
worship.
This charge is like the rest. Is it probable, that such
grave and learned men, as those of the Scottish Bps. were
which held intercourse with me, should not resolve in the
smallest matters, till they receive my commandments ; who
never sent command to any of them in my life, but what
I received expressly from the King ? and they certainly were
not for f the smallest matters/
As for the taking down of galleries in S. AndreAVs; to
the uttermost of my memory, I never gave either command
1 [ fora . . . not. inmarg.]
[Sir Rob. Kerr, created, Sept. 18, 1616, Earl of Roxborough.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 315
or direction. Nor can it stand with, any show of probability,
that I should command the taking down of galleries in
S. Andrews/ where I had nothing to do, and let galleries
stand in so many churches in London and other parts of my
province where I had power. The truth is, I did never like
galleries in any church; they utterly deface the grave
beauty and decency of those sacred places ; and make them
more like a theatre than a church. Nor, in my judgment,
do they make any ( great accommodation for the auditory :
for, in most places, they hinder as much room beneath as
they make above; rendering all or most of those places
useless, by the noise and trampling of them which (21) stand
above in the galleries. And if I be mistaken in this, tis
nothing to the business in hand : for be galleries what they
will for the use, I commanded not the taking of them down
at S. Andrews.
At Edinburgh the King s command took down the stone
walls and galleries, which, were there removed, and not mine.
For his Majesty having, in a Christian and princely way,
erected and endowed 1 a bishopric in Edinburgh, he resolved
to make the great church of S. Giles, in that city, a cathe
dral ; and to this end, gave order to have the ( galleries in the
lesser church, and the stone wall which divided them, taken
down. Eor of old, they were both one church, and made
97 two by a wall built up at the west end of the chancel ; so that
that which was called the lesser church, was but the chancel
of S. Giles, with galleries round about it; and was for all
the world like a square theatre, without any show of a
church ; as is also the Church at Brunt Island over against
it. And I remember, when I passed over at the Frith,
1 took it at first sight for a large square pigeon-house; so
free was it from all suspicion of being so much as built like an
ancient church. Now, since his Majesty took down these
galleries and the stone wall/ to make S. Giles s Church a
cathedral there, certainly my command took them not down,
to make way for altars and adoration towards the east ;
which I never commanded in that, or any other church in
Scotland. The charge goes on.
1 [ and endowed in marg.]
316 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
ART. II.
The second novation which troubled our peace, ivas a Book
of Canons^ and Constitutions Ecclesiastical obtruded upon
our Kirk, found by our General Assembly to be devised
for establishing a tyrannical power in the persons of our
prelates over the worship of God, and over the consciences,
liberties, and goods of the people, and for abolishing the
whole discipline and government of our Kirk, by General
and Provincial Assemblies, Presbyteries, and Kirk-
Sessions ; which was settled by Iaw 3 and in continual
practice from the time of Reformation.
This charge begins with a general , and will come to par
ticulars after. And first, it seems they are angry with a
Book of Canons/ Excellent Church-go vernment, it seems,
they would have, that will admit of no Canons to direct or
control their liberty. And if they mean by obtruding upon
their Church/ that the Canons were unduly thrust upon them,
because that book was confirmed by the King s authority,
then tis a bold phrase to call it obtruding/ For if his
Majesty that now is, did by his sole authority commend the
present Book of Canons to the Church of Scotland, he did
but exercise that power which King James challenged did in
the right of his crown belong to him ; as appears manifestly
by a letter of his to the Prelates of Scotland then assembled
at Perth. That royal letter is large, but very worthy any
man s reading, and is to be seen in the relation of those pro
ceedings 11 . But because they speak of my novations/ if they
mean that this 1 Book of Canons was obtruded upon their
Church by me ; or if it were found in a just Synod, and upon
fair proceedings, to establish a tyrannical power of the
prelates over the worship of God, or the consciences, liberties,
or goods of the people, or for abolishing anything that was
settled by laws / they had reason both to be troubled, and to
seek in a dutiful manner, first rightly to inform his Majesty,
1 [ And if they mean . . . this in marg. Originally, liberty. Indeed, if this. ]
[These Canons will be printed in h Proceedings at Perth, [par. i.] pp.
the Appendix to this History.] [49,] 50[- 53].
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 317
and then to desire a remedy from him 1 . But if the Book of
Canons did really none of these things, as (for aught I yet
know) it did not, and as I hope will appear, when they come
to particulars, then this will be no longer a charge, but a
slander. And howsoever, if anything in those Canons were
ordered c against their laws/ it was by our invincible ignorance,
98 and their Bishops fault, that would not tell us wherein we
went c against their laws/ if so we did. And for my own part,
I did ever advise them to make sure in the whole business,
that they attempted nothing against law/ But 2 if their late
General Assembly, in which (they say) these things were
found to be against law 3 / did proceed unwarrantably, or
factiously, (as the most learned men of that kingdom avow it
did,) the less heed must, and will in future times, be given
to their proceedings. But before they come to particulars,
they think fit to lay load on me, and say :
That Canterbury was master of this work, is manifest by a
Book of Canons sent to him, written upon the one side
only, with the other side blank, for corrections, additions,
and putting all in better order, at his pleasure ; which
accordingly (22) was done ; as may appear by the inter-
linings, marginals, and filling up of the blank pages, with
directions sent to our prelates.
I was no master of this work/ but a servant to it, and
commanded thereunto by his sacred Majesty (as I have to
show under his hand 1 ). And the work itself was begun in
his Majesty s blessed father s time ; for the Bishops of Scot
land were gathering their Canons then. And this is most
manifest by a passage in the sermon which my Ld. the Arch
bishop of S. Andrews k preached before the General Assembly
1 [ manner . . . him. in marg. Originally, dutiful way remedy from his
Majesty. ]
2 [ And howsoever . . . Cut in marg.] 3 [ to be against law/ in marg.]
1 [Prynne (Hidden Works, p. 152) that they be well fitted for Church-
gives the warrant as follows : government, and as near as conveni-
" CHARLES R. ently may be to the Canons of the
" Canterbury, I would have you Church of England. And to that end
and the Bishop of London peruse the you, or either of you, may alter what
Canons which are sent from the Bishops you find fitting."]
of Scotland, and to your best skill see k [John Spotiswood.]
318 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
at Perth, an. 1618 ^ when I was a private man, and had
nothing to do with these things. The words are these : " And
when I least expected, these Articles (that is, the five Articles
of Perth) were sent unto me ; not to be proponed to the
Church, but to be inserted amongst the Canons thereof, which
were then in gathering, touching which point I humbly ex
cused myself, &c. m " So this work was begun, and known to
that Church, long before I had anything to do with it.
And now, when it came to be perfected, I did nothing but as
I was commanded and warranted by his Majesty. But indeed l ,
according to this command, I took a great deal more pains
than I have thanks for ; as it too often falls out with the best
churchmen. To this end, - tis true, a Book of Canons was,
not sent me, but brought by my Ld. the Bishop of Ross, and
delivered to me ; and if it were written on one side only, and
left blank on the other for corrections or additions/ I hope
there s no sin in that, to leave room and space for me to do
that for which the book was brought to me. As for that
which follows, it hath less fault in it. For they say, it was for
my putting all in better order/ And I hope, to put all in
better order, is no crime censurable in this Court. And
whatever they of Scotland think, that Church did then need
many things to be put in better order, and at this day need
many more.
Yea, but they say, this should not be done at my pleasure/
I say so too ; neither was it. For whatsoever I thought fit
to correct, or add, in the copy brought to me, I did very
humbly and fairly submit to the Church of Scotland; and
under those terms delivered it back to the Bishop which
brought it 2 , with all the { interlinings, marginals, and fillings
up of blank pages/ and the best directions I was able to
give them. And all this was in me obedience to his Majesty,
and no wrong, that I know, to the Church of Scotland; I
am sure, not intended by me. Neither are these interlinings^ 99
or f additions so many as they are here insinuated to be ;
for the Bishops of Scotland had been very careful in this
1 [ And the work (p. 317.) . . . indeed/ inserted on opposite page.]
2 [ which brought it, in marg.]
1 [On the text, 1 Cor. xi. 1G.] m Proceedings of Perth, [par. i.] p. 40.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 319
work. All which would clearly appear, were the book pro
duced 1 . Yet the charge goes on against me still :
And that it ivas done by no other than Canterbury, is evi
dent by his magisterial way of prescribing, and by a new
copy of these Canons, all written with S. Andrews own
hand precisely to a letter, according to the former castiga-
tions and directions, sent back to procure the King s
warrant unto it ; which accordingly was obtained.
By no other hand than Canterbury s/ is very roundly
affirmed. How is it proved ? Why, by two reasons. First,
they say, tis evident, by his magisterial way of prescribing/
An excellent argument ! The Book of Canons was delivered
to me ready made. That which was mine is here confessed
to be but interlinings/ and marginals/ and corrections/ and
at most some additions : and they would be found a very
small some/ were the original book seen. And yet it must
be evident that no hand but mine did this, by my magis
terial way of prescribing, in an e interlining, or a marginal/
. Excellent evidence !
Secondly, they have another great evidence of this. But
because that is so nervous and strong, I will be bold to
reduce it to some form, that it may appear the clearer,
though it be against myself. There was, they say, a new
copy of these Canons, all written with S. Andrews own hand,
and according to the former castigations and directions, sent
to have the King s warrant to it, which was obtained / there
fore these interlinings and marginals/ &c. were done by
no other than Canterbury/ Most excellent evidence, and
clear as midnight !
The plain truth is contrary to all this evidence. For by
the same command of his Majesty, the reverend Bishop of
London n was joined with me in all the view and considera
tion which I had, either upon the Book of Canons, or upon the
Service-book after. So it is utterly untrue, that these ( inter
linings/ or marginals/ or corrections/ or call them what
you will, were done by no other than Canterbury/ For my
1 [ Neither are these . . . produced. inserted on opposite page.]
[William Juxon.]
320 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
Lord of London s both head and hand were as deep in them
as mine. And this I avow for well-known truth, both to the
King and those Scottish Bishops which were then employed ;
and this notwithstanding all the evidence of a magisterial
way/ and a new copy/ And yet this general charge pursues
me yet l further, and says :
(23.) The King s warrant was obtained (as is said) to these
Canons, but with an addition of some other Canons, and a
paper of new corrections, according to which the Book
of Canons, thus composed, was published in print. The
inspection of the books, instructions, and his letters of joy
for the success of the work, and of other letters from? the
Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling, to the same
purpose, (all ivhich we are ready to exhibit,) will put
the matter out of all debate.
Yet more ado about nothing? Yet more noise of proof 100
f to put that out of all debate which need never enter into
any ? For if no more be intended than that I had a view of
the Book of Canons, and f did make some interlinings, and
marginals, and the like/ I have freely acknowledged it, and
by whose command I did it, and who was joined with me in
the work. So there will need no proof of this, either by my
letters/ or the Prelate of London s/ or the Ld. Sterling s/
Y et let them be exhibited, if you please. But if it be in
tended (as tis laid) l that this was done by no other than
Canterbury/ then I utterly deny it ; and no proof here named,
or any other, shall ever be able to make it good.
As for the addition of some other Canons, and papers of
new corrections, according to which the Book of Canons is
said to be composed and published/ truly, to the utmost of
my memory, I know of none such; but that the copy written
by my Ld. of S. Andrews own hand, and sent up, (as is before
mentioned,) was the very copy which was warranted by his
Majesty, and published without any further alteration. But
if any further alteration were, it was by the same authority,
and with the same consent. And for my letters of joy for
1 [Originally written, me still yet, still erased.]
Some other/ Rushw. and Pryn. P Of/ Eushw. and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 321
tlie success of the work/ let them be exhibited, when you
please. I will never deny that joy, while I live, that I con
ceived of the Church of Scotland s coming nearer, both in the
Canons and the Liturgy, to the Church of England. But
our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King, and our
other many and great sins, have hindered this great blessing.
And I pray God, that the loss of this, which was now almost
effected, do not in short time prove one 1 of the greatest
mischiefs which ever befel this kingdom, and that too. This
is the general charge about the Canons : now follow the
particulars.
Beside this general charge, there be some things more special,
ivorthy to be adverted unto, for discovering his spirit.
First, the fourth Canon of cap. viii. : Forasmuch as no
reformation in doctrine or discipline can be made perfect
at once in any church, therefore it shall and may be law-
fulfor the Kirk of Scotland, at any time, to make remon
strances to his Majesty or his successors, fyc. Because
this Canon holds the door open to more innovations, he
writes to the Prelate of Ross, his prime agent in all this
work, of his great gladness, that this Canon did stand
behind the curtain ; and his great desire, that this Canon
might be printed f ally , as one that was to be most useful.
Now come the particulars, worthy to be adverted unto for
the discovery of my spirit/ And the first is taken out of
the fourth Canon of cap. viii. The charge is, that * this Canon
holds the door open to more innovations. First, I conceive,
this accusation is vain. For that Canon 2 restrains all power
from private men, clergy or lay; nay, from bishops in a
Synod, or otherwise, to alter anything in doctrine or discipline,
without authority from his Majesty or his successors 3 . Now
all innovations come from private assumption of authority, not
from authority itself. For in civil affairs, when the King and
the State, upon emergent occasions, shall abrogate (24) some
old laws, and make other new, that cannot be counted an in-
vation/ And in Church affairs, every Synod that hath sat in
1 [This clause originally written, and I pray God, it do not prove in short
time, that the loss of this which was now almost effected will be one ]
2 [After Canon the words ( requires that erased.]
3 [ authority . . . successors. Originally written, the King s authority. ]
LAUD. VOL. in. Y
322 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
all times and all places 1 of Christendom, have with leave of
superior authority, declared some points of doctrine, con
demned other some; altered some ceremonials, made new
constitutions for better assisting the government. And none
of these have ever been accounted innovations, the founda
tions of religion still remaining firm and unmoved 2 . Nay,
under favour, I conceive it most necessary, that thus it ought
to be. And therefore this Canon is far from holding a door
open for more innovations; since it shuts it upon all, and
leaves no power to alter anything, but by making a remon
strance to the supreme authority, that in a Church way appro
bation may be given when there is cause.
And therefore, if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that
this Canon might be printed fully, as one that was to be most
useful/ I writ no more then than I believe now. For cer
tainly it is a Canon, that in a well-governed Church may be
of great use. And the more, because in truth it is but decla
ratory of that power, which a National Church hath, with
leave 3 and approbation of the supreme power, to alter and
change any alterable thing pertaining to doctrine or disci
pline in the Church. And as for that phrase, said to be 4 in
my letter, that this Canon did stand behind the curtain/
it was thus occasioned. My Ld. the Bp. of Ross writ unto
me, from the Archbp. of St. Andrews, that no words might be
made of this Canon ; (what their reason was, they best know :)
I returned answer belike in this sort ; That the Canon stood
behind the curtain/ and would not be thoroughly understood
by every man ; yet advised the printing in regard of the
1 necessary use of it \* For let this Canon be in force, and
right use made of it, and a National Church may ride safe,
by God s ordinary blessing, through any storm ; which without
this latitude it can never do. The next charge is in the
2. Title prefixed to these Canons by our prelates. For there
tis thus : f Canons agreed on to be proponed to the seve
ral Synods of the Kirk of Scotland ; and is thus changed
_ all places in marg. Originally written, parts ]
the foundations . . . unmoved. on opposite page.]
Originally written, leave obtained/]
] said to be in margin.]
[See Laud s Letter, Sept. 19, 1635.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 323
by Canterbury, Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical,
fyc. ordained to be observed by the Clergy. 3 He will not
have Canons to come from the authority of Synods, but
from the power of * prelates, or from the King s prerogative.
I perceive they mean to sift narrowly,, when the title
cannot scape. But truly in this charge I am to seek, which
is greater in my accusers, their ignorance or their malice :
their ignorance in the charge, or their malice in the inference
upon it. The title was, Canons agreed upon to be pro
poned to the Synods of 1 the Kirk of Scotland. And this
was very fit, to express the prelates intendment, which (for
aught I know) was to propose them so. But this book,
which was brought to me, was to be printed : and then that
title could not stand with any congruity of sense. For no
Church uses to print f Canons, which are to be proponed to
their Synods ; but such as have been proposed, and agreed on.
02 Nor did this altering of the title, in any the least thing
hinder those worthy prelates from communicating them with
their Synods before they printed them. And therefore
the inference must needs be extreme full of malice, to force
from hence that f I would not have Canons come from the
authority of Synods, but from the power of prelates or the
King s prerogative : whereas most manifest it is, that the
fitting of this title for the press doth neither give any power
to prelates/ nor add to the King s prerogative more than
is his due, nor doth it detract anything from the authority
of Synods/ For I hope the Bishops had no purpose but to
ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy, &c., and
approved and published by the King s consent and authority.
After this, comes
3. The formidable Canon, cap. i. 3, threatening no less than
excommunication against all such persons, whosoever shall
open their mouths against any of these books, proceeded
not from our prelates, nor is to be found in copies r sent
from them, but is a thunderbolt forged in Canterbury s
own fire.
First, whether this Canon be to be found in the copies
1 [ to the Synods of in margin. Originally, to the Kirk ]
r The copies/ llushw. ; the copy/ Pryn.
Y 2
324 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
sent from your prelates, or not/ I cannot tell; but sure it was
in the copy brought to (25) me, or else my memory forsakes
me very strangely. Secondly, after all this noise made of a
/formidable Canon/ because not less is threatened than ( ex
communication / I would fain know what the Church can do
less upon contempt of her canons, liturgy, and ordinations,
than to excommunicate the offenders ; or what Church, in
any age, laid less upon a crime so great. Thirdly, suppose
this ( thunderbolt (as tis called) ( were forged in Canter
bury s fire/ yet that fire was not outrageous. For this Canon
contains as much as the 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 Canons of the Church
of England, made in the beginning of the gracious reign of
King James \ and yet to every one of those Canons there is
an excommunication ipso facto affixed for every one of these
crimes single : whereas this canon shoots this one thun
derbolt but once against them all. And this I would my
accusers should know, that if no more thunderbolts had been
forged in their fire/ than have been in mine, nor State nor
Church would have flamed, as of late they have done.
4. Our prelates in divers places witness their dislike of
Papists. A minister shall be deposed, if he shall [Rushw.]
be found negligent to convert Papists/ cap. viii. 15. The
adoration of the bread is a superstition to be condemned/
cap. vi. 6. They call the f absoluteness s of baptism, an
error of Popery/ cap. vi. 2. But in Canterbury s edition
the name of Papists and Popery are i not so much as
mentioned.
Here s a great general accusation, offered to be made good
by three particulars. The general is, That in the copy of
the Canons, which their prelates sent, there s a dislike of
Papists: but none in the edition, as it was altered by me.
Now this is utterly untrue ; for it is manifest, cap. i. 1, there
is express care taken for e the King s Majesty s jurisdiction 1(
over the estate ecclesiastical, and abolishing all foreign power
repugnant to it. And again, in the same Canon, That no *
foreign power hath 2 (in his Majesty s dominions) any esta-
1 [ Canon, That no in margin.]
2 [Originally written, hath any in these kingdoms. ]
8 Absolute necessity Fryn. and Eushw. * is Rushw. and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 32S
blishment by the law of God: and this with an addition,
That the exclusion of all such power is just/ And, cap. ii. 9,
tis ordained, e That every ecclesiastical person shall take the
Oath of Supremacy/ And, cap. x. 3, All readers in any
college or school shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Su
premacy/ And sure, I think, tis no great matter whether
Papists or Popery be named, so long as the Canons go so
directly against them.
This for the general. Now for the three particulars. And
first, that which was in cap. viii. 15, That a minister shall
be deposed, if he be found negligent to convert Papists/ I did
think fit to leave out, upon these two grounds. The one,
that the word negligent is too general an expression, and
of too large an extent, to lay a minister open to deposition/
And if Church-governors, to whom the execution of the
Canons is committed, should forget Christian moderation (as
they may pati humana), a very worthy minister might some
times be undone for a very little f negligence/ for negligence
is negligence, be it never so little. Besides, I have learned
out of the Canons of the Church of England 11 that even gross
negligence/ in a matter as great as this is, is punished but
with c suspension for three months V The other ground
why I omitted this clause is, because I do not think the
Church of Scotland, or any other particular 2 Church, is so
blessed in her priests, as that every of her ministers 3 is for
learning, and judgment, and temper, able and fit to convert
Papists. And therefore I did think then, and do think yet,
that it is not so easy a work, or to be made so common, but
that it is, and may be much fitter for some able selected men
to undertake. And if any man think God s gifts in him to
be neglected (as men are apt to overvalue themselves), let
them try their gifts, and labour their conversion in God s
name. But let not the Church by a Canon set every man 4
011 work, lest their weak or indiscreet performance hurt the
cause, and blemish the Church.
1 Besides . . . three months. in margin.] 2 [ particular in margin.]
Originally every minister. ]
set every man/ originally, enable every man. ]
Can. Ixix.
326 HISTORY OP THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
The second particular is an excellent one. It is about the
adoration of the bread in the blessed Sacrament,, cap. vi. 6.
And tis implied, as if this superstition were condemned in
the copy sent by their prelates, but left out by me. Good
God ! how shameless are these Churchmen ! for they drew
up these Articles against me, though the Lay Commis
sioners delivered them. And was there neither clergy nor
layman among them so careful, as to compare the words of
the charge, (26) with the words of the Canon, before they
would venture to deliver them into so great a Court as the
Parliament of England? Would not Mr. Alexander Hen
derson l , who was the prime leader in these Church-affairs,
be so careful for himself, and his own reputation, as not pub
licly to deliver in a most notorious untruth ? For most
manifest it is, that 2 these words, As therefore the adoration
of the bread is condemned/ &c., stand still in the copy revised
by me, as is to be seen in the printed copy of those Canons ;
and in the same place by them quoted ; and in a different
character; that I wonder how any man s eye could miss 1C
them. So here I am accused for putting that out, which
I left in.
The third particular is, { That their prelates call the abso
luteness of baptism an error of Popery/ cap. vi. 2 ; which is
left out too (they say) in my edition (as they will needs call
the printed copy). The truth is, this we did think fit to leave
out, because the absolute necessity of baptism (in the ordi
nary way of the Church, leaving God (as He is) most free to
save with baptism, or without, as Himself pleases) is no Popish
error/ but the true tenet of the e Catholic Church of Christ /
and was, by their good leave, an error in your prelates to
call it so : and I provided both for truth/ and their credit, 5
by keeping it from the view of Christendom. Nor could you
expect other from me in this point 3 , being an Archbishop of
the Church of England, which maintains the necessity of
baptism/ such as is above mentioned : as appears in the
Rubric before Public Baptism in the Service-book, confirmed
1 [ Henderson, orig. Hendershame. ]
2 [ and his own reputation . . . that in margin. It was originally written,
and then erased, as to hinder the publishing of his own shame, which it seems
his malice forgot, while he laboured to shame me. For the truth is that ]
3 [ in this point, in margin.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 327
by Act of Parliament. The words are these : Though it be
fittest to administer baptism on Sundays and other holy-
days, &c. ; nevertheless, if necessity so require, children may
at all times be baptized at home/ And again, in the Rubric
before Private Baptism, thus : When great need shall compel
them to baptize their children at home, it shall be adminis
tered on this fashion V And further, the Church of England
takes care to have such ministers punished, as shall defer
baptism, if the child be in danger V So that I could not let
this clause stand in the Scottish Canons, but I must charge
my mother the Church of England, as guilty of maintaining
an error of Popery/ and the Parliament of England for con
firming it.
5. Our prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their
Canons, with altars, fonts, chancels, reading of a long
Liturgy before sermons z , fyc. But Canterbury is punc
tual and peremptory in all these.
When I met so often with this phrase, our prelates do
not this and that, f in which Canterbury is punctual and
peremptory, it made me hope * at first these men had some
good opinion of their own prelates. But so soon as they
had 2 once gotten the power into their own hands, they made
it presently appear that though their prelates 3 had not the
boldness to trouble them/ yet they had the impudence to
cast the prelates out of all the means they had, and without
any the least mercy to themselves, their wives, and children :
and that in a most ignorant and barbarous manner, calling
them the < limbs and members of Antichrist/
But what s the crime which your prelates had not the
boldness to trouble you 4 with/ and in which Canterbury,
that strange man, is so punctual and peremptory ? O !
grave crimen Caie C&sar ! Tis a charge indeed a mighty
charge ! a novation of above thirteen hundred years old.
1 [ hope originally written doubt ]
2 [ But . . . had originally written, But it appeared quickly after they had ]
3 [ hands, . . . prelates/ originally written, hands, that for all this that our
prelates ] * [ you in margin.]
* [The substance of the Rubrics is Y Can. Ixix.
given in both these cases, not the z * Sermon/ Rtishw. and Pryn.
actual words.]
328 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
For after the Church was once formally settled under the
Christian Emperors, nay, and for some years before *, I chal
lenge these men to show any Church under heaven, without
that which was promiscuously called, ( the holy table/ or
altar / or without a font/ or a chancel/ or a formal set
1 Liturgy before sermon, &c. And therefore if I were punc- 10
tual in these, I did but my duty. But peremptory I am
sure I was not, as well knowing the difference between things
of decency and uniformity, and things of necessity to salva
tion/ But the charge must go on for all this.
6. For although the words of the tenth Canon, cap. iii., be
fair, yet the wicked intentions of Canterbury and Ross
may be seen in the point of justification of a sinner before
God, by comparing the Canon as it came from our pre
lates, and as itivas returned from Canterbury, and printed.
(27) Here s a confession, that the words of the tenth Canon,
cap. iii., are fair / and so they are indeed. The Canon runs
thus : It is manifest that the superstition of former ages is
turned into great profaneness ; and that people, for the most
part, are grown cold for doing any good ; esteeming that good
works are not necessary. Therefore shall all presbyters, as
their text gives occasion, urge the necessity of good works to
their hearers. These words they say are fair ; and sure they
are so. What s amiss then? What? why, the wicked
intentions of Canterbury and Ross. God bless us ! Wicked
intentions ; under such fair words ? Now God forbid. I hope
lloss had none ; I am sure Canterbury had not. But how
come they to be judges of our intentions ? How? w r hy,
they say, they may be seen in the point of the justification
of a sinner before God/ That s a high point, and a danger
ous, for any man to have wicked intentions about it. How
then may our wicked intentions be seen ? Why, by com
paring the Canons / so they say. And I desire nothing
more than that the book, which I perused, may be produced :
and upon sight of it, I will acknowledge and make good
whatsoever I did ; or humbly crave pardon for what I cannot
make good. And though I cannot get to see the book, yet
you shall hear the comparison.
1 [ nay . . . before, in margin.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 329
Our prelates say thus : It is manifest that the superstitions
of former ages are turned into a great prof aneness, and
that people are grown cold., for the most part, in doing
any good ; thinking there is no place for good works,
because they are excluded from justification. Therefore
shall all ministers, as their text gives occasion, urge the
necessity of good works, as they would be saved; and
remember that they are via regni, the way to the kingdom
of heaven, quamvis non sint causa regnandi, howbeit they
be not the cause of our salvation
How the Canon goes now is manifest in the words pre
ceding : how it went before in the copy which their prelates
sent, is now expressed. And if it be fairly related, here are
two things charged to be left out. The one is this passage,
Because they are excluded from justification. And the
other is, that known place of S. Bernard, that good works
are via regni, non causa regnandi. Now I conceive both
these passages may be left out of this Canon, without any
wicked intentions in either Canterbury or Ross against the
point of justification/ But let the charge proceed.
Here Ross gives his judgment, that he would have this Canon
simply commanding good works to be preached, and no
mention made what place they have or have not in justi
fication. Upon this motion, so agreeable to Canterbury s
mind, the Canon is set down, as it stands, without the
distinction of via regni, et causa regnandi, or any word
sounding that way, urging only the necessity of good works.
Well ! now at last I see the bottom of this charge : and I
see too, that too many men are shy of good works / and for
fear more should be attributed to them than is fit, refuse to
acknowledge that which is due unto them *. But sure I am
there is a command, and more than one, expressly, in the
text, for the doing of good works/ and that without any
distinction/ And so I conceive the Scripture is warrant
enough for this Canon, to command the preaching of good
works/ even without any distinction at all whatsoever ;
1 [ refuse . . . them, on opposite page.]
330 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
since God liatli so absolutely and so expressly commanded,
that we should serve him in good works : to which Moses a
and Christ b , the Prophets c , and Apostles d , do sufficiently
bear witness l .
But it seems these men have very good intelligence, that
when I looked over these Canons 2 (which I protest I did
alone by myself, and then sent them to my Ld. the Bp. of
London, for him to do the like), can yet tell, that here Ross
gave his judgment, and would have the Canon go absolutely,
and that this being according to Canterbury s mind, so it
went/ Where yet I shall humbly crave leave to observe two
things. The one is, that if this be true, that Ross would
have these things out/ then one of their own prelates/ and
he trusted from the rest, was the cause of this omission : and
so Canterbury was neither master of the work/ nor were all
things in it done by him, and no other; as is before affirmed
in the beginning of the second novation 6 / The other thing
is, the omission itself: of which I (28) shall say two things.
The one is, that if Ross did give that reason, That it was fit
that Canon should command the preaching of good works in
general, because it was a time of such profarieness/ as is
mentioned in the beginning of the Canon ; I for my part
cannot but approve it. The other is, that the leaving out of
that known saying of St. Bernard s, I humbly conceive is no
fault, either in myself or any other. For though the speech
be good, and though the sayings of private men, eminent in
their times, were sometimes put into the Canons of national
Churches, yet usually it was not so 3 . And since themselves
confess, the words of the Canon, as it now is, are fair/ were
1 [ since God . . . witness. on opposite page, and also the references in
notes a to d .]
2 [ Canons in margin.]
3 [ and . . . so. in margin. Originally written thus, and erased: yet it is
not usual to put the sayings of private men, how eminent soever in their time,
into the Canons of any national Church. And this, I confess, wrought most
with me for the leaving of it out. ]
a Deut. x. 12. and Titus ii. 7, 14, and iii. 1, 8, 14.
b Matt. vii. 19, and xxii. 37, and vi. S. James ii. 17, and 1 S. Pet. ii. 12.
16. [Bancroft observes that this last S. Jo. Apoc. iii. 2, and xxi. 27, and
quotation is not to the purpose.] xxii. 12.
c Esai. i. 19, 20. e Page 21 [of original MS. See
< Ephes. ii. 10, and 1 Tim. vi. 18, above, p. 310.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 331
any charity in them, they would not make so foul an inter
pretation of other men s ( intentions/
7. By comparing Canon ix. cap. xviii. as it was sent in writ
ing from our prelates, and as it is printed at Canterbury s
command, may be also manifest, that he went about to
establish auricular confession and Popish absolution.
I have showed before that this Book of Canons was not
37 printed by my command. But I have a long time found sad
experience, that whatsoever some men disliked was presently
my doing. God forgive them. But to the present charge
I shall answer nothing ; but only transcribe that Canon, and
leave it to the judgment of all orthodox and moderate Chris
tians, whether I have therein gone about to establish auri
cular confession and Popish absolution/ The Canon is as
follows :
"Albeit Sacramental Confession and Absolution have been
in some places very much abused, yet if any of the people be
grieved in mind for any delict or offence committed, and for
the unburdening of his conscience, confess the same to the
bishop or presbyter ; they shall, as they are bound, minister
to the person so confessing all spiritual consolations out of the
word of God ; and shall not deny him the benefit of absolu
tion, after the manner which is prescribed in the Visitation
of the Sick f , if the party show himself truly penitent, and
humbly desire to be absolved. And he shall not make known
or reveal what hath been opened to him in confession, at any
time, or to any person whatsoever, except the crime be such
as by the laws of the realm his own life may be called in
question for concealing the same."
This is the Canon word for word ; where first give me leave
to observe the care that I had of the laws of the kingdom.
For I believe it will hardly be found that such a clause is
inserted in any Canon \ concerning the seal of confession/
as is expressed in this Canon, in relation to the laws of the
realm 2 , from the time that confession came into solemn use,
1 [Some words here erased.]
2 [ and next for the matter of the Canon, here inserted and erased.]
f In the Service-Book both of England and Scotland.
332 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAI
till our English Canon was made, anno 1603, with which this
agrees z. And then for the matter of the Canon l , if here be
anything to establish Popish confession, or absolution/ I
humbly submit it to the learned of the Reformed Churches
through Christendom :( all men (for aught I yet know) allow
ing confession and absolution/ as most useful for the good
of Christians, and condemning only the binding of all men to
confess all sins, upon absolute danger of salvation. And this
indeed some call carnificinam cons dentine, the rack or tortur
ing of the conscience 11 ; but impose no other necessity of con
fessing 2 than the weight of their own sin shall lay upon
them ; nor no other enforcement to receive absolution, than
their Christian care to ease their own conscience shall lead
them unto : and in that way Calvin commends confession
exceedingly ; and, if you mark it, you shall find that our
Saviour Christ 1 , who gives the priest full power of the keys
( to bind and loose / that is, to receive confession, and to
absolve or not absolve, as he sees cause in the delinquent ;
yet you shall not find any command of his to enforce men to
come to the priest to receive this benefit. "Tis enough that
He hath left power in the ministry of the Church to give
penitent 3 Christians this ease, safety, and comfort, if they
will receive it when they need. If they need, and will not
come ; or if they need, and will not believe they do so, let
them bear their own burden 4 .)} But yet they have not done
with our prelates / one charge more conies.
8. Our prelates were not acquainted with Canons for in- 1C
flicting of arbitrary penalties : but in Canterbury s book,
wheresoever there is no penalty expressly set down, it is
provided that it shall be arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall
think fittest. By these and many other like k it is appa-
1 [ where first give me leave to observe . . . Canon/ on opposite page.]
2 [ them upon men. ] 3 [ penitent in margin.]
4 [ nor no other enforcement. . . burden. on opposite page. The passage
originally ran : * And their Christian care to ease their conscience leads them
unto, according to the remed. (sic) (The priest in this case having the power of
binding and loosing given him by Christ) and he commends the use of confes
sion exceedingly. But yet ]
B Can. cxiii. marg. apud Terfc. Op. Paris. 1580.]
h B. Khenanus, Argumento in lib. [Bancroft here notes, dy
Tertul. de Pceniten. p. 471. [p. 374 in k the like/ Rush w. and Pryn.
OE ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 333
rent what tyrannical power he went about to establish in
the hands of our prelates over the worship of God, and
the souls and goods of men, overturning from the founda
tion the whole order of our Kirk l ; and how large an entry
he did make for the grossest novations (29) aftenvard;
which hath been a main cause of this combustion.
This is the last shot against these Canons, and me for them :
and I conceive this is no great thing. For arbitrary govern
ment is one thing : and tis quite another, that where
soever there is no penalty expressly set down, it is provided,
that it shall be arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall think fittest/
which are the words of the Canon. For since no law can
meet with all particulars, some things must of necessity be
left arbitrary in all government, though that be perfectest
and happiest that leaves least. Nor is it an unheard-of thing
to find something arbitrary in some Canons of the Church,
which are very ancient. As in the Council of Eliberis m the
punishment of him who was absent from the church three
Sundays, was, that he should be abstentus, and barred from
the church for some small time ; that his negligence in the
service of God may seem to be punished/ But this small
time being not limited, is left to arbitrary discretion. So
likewise in the Council of Valence, an. 374 n , the giving of the
Sacrament to such as had vowed virginity, and did afterwards
marry, was to be deferred, as the priest saw reason and
cause for it ; and that sure is arbitrary. The like we find
in the third Council of Carthage ; where the time of penance,
according to the quality of the sin, is left to the discretion
of the bishop. And these Councils were all within the fourth
century. By all which it is apparent, that in Church as well
as in State, some things may be left arbitrary ; and have
been in better and wiser times than these of ours. Nay, tis
1 What seeds of Popery lie did sow detur, et cum data fuerit, nisi plene
in our Kirk ; Pryn. and liushw. satisfecerint Deo,] in quantum ratio
m [" Si quis in civitate positus, tres poposcerit [earundem communio difte-
dominicas ad ecclesiam non accesserit,] ratur."] Cone. Valentin.Can.ii. [Cone,
pauco tempore abstineat, ut correptus torn. ii. col. 905. B. C.]
esse videatur." Cone. Elib. Can.xxi. " Ut poenitentibus secundum pec-
[Conc. torn. i. col. 973. B.] catorum differentiam Episcopi arbitrio
u [" De puellis vero quae se Deo de- poenitenti^e tempora dccernantur."
voverunt, si ad terrenas nuptias sponte Cone. Carthag. III. Can. xxxi. [Cone,
transierint, id custodiendum esse de- torn. ii. col. 1171. D.]
crcvimus, ut pcenitentia his nee statim
334 HISTORY OP THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
confessed by one p that writes almost as well as Junius Brutus *,
that there is an arbitrary power in every state/ somewhere,
and that no inconvenience follows upon it. And the Council
of Ancyra r , inflicting censures upon presbyters first, and
then deacons, which had fallen in time of persecution, yet
gives leave to the bishop to mitigate the penance at his dis
cretion *.
Again, tis manifest by the care taken in the preceding
Canons, that here is little or nothing of moment left arbitrary :
and then the Ordinary will fall into an excess more dangerous
to himself, than his arbitrary punishment can be to him
that suffers it, if he offer to tyrannize/ For this clause, 1(
wheresoever it is inserted in canon or statute, (as it is in the
statutes of very many colleges,) stands but for a proviso, that
disorderly persons may not think they shall escape punish
ment, if they can cunningly keep off the letter of the law :
and yet so that the arbitrary punishment be regulated by
that which is expressed in the Canons or the Statutes, for
omissions or commissions of like nature.
And therefore that which is inferred upon all this eharge,
and the particulars in it ; namely, That I went about to
establish a tyrannical power in the hands of their prelates,
either over the worship of God, or the souls and goods of
men/ is utterly false, and cannot be proved to follow out of
any of the premises. Not over the goods of the people ; for
no prelate, not invested with temporal power, can meddle
with them ; so that were there any canon made for that, it
would be void of itself. Nor over the souls of men; for
1 [ Nor is it an unheard-of thing (p. 333.) . . . discretion. on opposite page.]
P Author of the Observations upon which after examining the claims of
some of his Majesty s late Answers, other writers to its authorship, he de-
p. 34. [This book was published, ano- cides in favour of Languet. Le Clerc
nymously, by Henry Parker in 1642, vindicates the claims of Duplessis Mor-
and was answered by Dudley Digges, nay. The book was not printed at Ed iii-
John Jones, in his Christus Dei, Sir burgh, as indicated in the title, but at
John Spelman and others.] Basle. See Biog. Universelle, art.
i [This refers to a book written by LANGUET.]
Hubert Languet, under the name of r Cone. Ancyran. Can. i. and ii. [Et
Stephanus Junius Brutus, entitled, HSVTOI rives r<ai> e-mtTKiTrow TOVTOIS aw-
Vindicioa contra Tyrannos, sive de eiSeiev /ca^tarJi/ riva, rj Taireivuffi
Principis in populum, populique in r-rjros, nal efleAotei/ 7rAe?Ji/ n 5t5oj/cu
Principem legitima Potestate," Edinb.
, eV avTots elwt T^V eov<riav.
1579. Bay le has a Dissertation on this Cone. Ancyr. Can. ii. Cone. torn. i.
book at the end of his Dictionary, in coll. 1456. D. 1457. A.]
OP AUCHBISHOP LAUD. 335
they are left free in all things, save to commit sin and
disorder ; which to repress by canons is, and hath been l ,
the Church s way. Much less over the worship of God :
for these Canons have laboured nothing so much, as to
honour and establish that in decency and uniformity. And
as for that which follows, that these ( Canons overturn from
the foundation the whole order of their Kirk / tis more
than I believe will be proved, that they have overturned any
good order in their Church, much less foundations : though
it may be thought by some, (and perhaps justly,) that there
is so little order in their Church, and that so weakly founded,
that it may be overturned with no great stress. And, for
the large entry made for the gross novations afterwards/
you see what it is : and when you have considered the
( gross novations/ which are said to come after, I hope you
will not find them very gross, nor any way fit to be alleged
as a main cause of this combustion/ Now follows,
AET. III.
The third , and great novation, which was the ( Book of
Common Prayer, Administration of Sacraments, and
other parts of Divine Service s / brought in ivithout war
rant from our Kirk, to be universally received as the
only form of Divine Service, under the highest pains, both
civil and ecclesiastical.
Now we are come to the arraignment of the Liturgy and
the Book of Common Prayer ; and this (they say) was
brought in without warrant from their Kirk/ If this be
true 2 , it was the fault of your own prelates, and theirs only,
for aught I know. For though I like the book exceeding
well, and hope I shall be able to maintain anything that is
in it, and wish with all my heart that it had been enter
tained there; yet I did ever desire 3 , it might come to them
with their own liking and approbation. Nay, I did ever,
1 [ and hath been, in marg.]
2 [ If this be true, in marg.]
3 [Originally written, did only wish, ]
Worship, Rushw. ; Service, Pryn.
336 HISTOllY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
upon all occasions, call upon the Scottish bishops to do
nothing in this particular, but by warrant of law. And
further, I professed unto them before his Majesty, that 11
though I had obeyed his commands in helping to order that
book ; yet since I was ignorant of the laws of that kingdom,
I would have nothing at all to do with the manner of in-
(30) troducing it; but left that wholly to them, who do, or
should, understand both that Church and their laws. And
I am sure, they told me, they would adventure it no way but
that which was legal. But they go on, and say, this book
Is found by our National Assembly, besides the Popish
frame, and forms in Divine worship, to contain many
Popish errors and ceremonies, and the seeds of manifold
and gross superstitions and idolatry, and to be repugnant
to the doctrine, discipline, and order of our Reformation,
to the confession of faith, constitutions of General Assem
blies, and Acts of Parliament establishing the true
religion. That this was also Canterbury s ivork, we make
manifest.
This is a great charge upon the Service-book indeed ;
but it is in generals l , and those only affirmed, not proved.
And therefore may with the same ease, and as justly, be
denied by me, as they are affirmed by them. And this is all
I shall say, till they bring their proofs. And though this be
no more Canterbury s work } than the Canons were, yet, by
their good will, I shall bear the burden of all. And there
fore, before they go to prove this great charge against the
Service-book, they go on to make it manifest that this was
my work 4 ; 3 and so far as it was mine, I shall ingenuously
and freely acknowledge in each particular, as occasion shall
be offered me. But how do they make it manifest it was
my work ? Why,
1. By the memoir s n and instructions, sent unto him by
our prelates ; wherein they give special account of the
1 [ generals/ originally, general only, ]
* How far this was my work, you u Memoirs, Kushw. ; memories,
may see, p. 71 [of original MS. See Pryn.
below, pp. 168, 169 in marg.]
OF AllCHBISHOP LAUD. 337
diligence they have * used to do all which herein they were
enjoined.
This proof comes very short. For considering the Scottish
Bishops were commanded by his Majesty to let me see, from
time to time, what they did in that Service-book, they had
good reason (as I conceive) to give me some account of
their diligence and care in that behalf; and yet this will
never conclude the work to be mine. Why, but if this proof
come not home, yet it will be manifest,
2. By the approbation of the Service-book sent unto them,
and of all the marginal corrections, wherein it varies
from the English book ; showing their desire to have some
few things changed in it, which, notwithstanding, was
not granted. This we find written by S. Andrews his
own hand, and subscribed by him and nine other of our
prelates.
This argument is as loose as the former. For I hope, though
I had had nothing at all to do with that book, yet I might
have approved both the book itself and all the marginal (or
1 other) corrections, wherein it differs from (so it be not con
trary to) the English book / therefore my approving it will
not make me the author of it. As for that which follows,
that their prelates did desire to have some few things
changed in it, which was not granted : first you see, they
say before, that the popish errors in that book be many ;
and yet he change of a few things would serve their turn.
And if this change were not granted/ that was not my fault,
but their own ; who might have changed what they pleased,
whether I would or no. But they should do well to show
this paper under S. Andrews hand, and nine other bishops /
For my part, as I remember it not, so I believe it not. But
they hope to prove it better
3. By Canterbury s own letters, witnesses of his joy, when
the book was ready for the press; of his prayers that
God would speed the work ; of his hope to see that service
set up in Scotland ; of his diligence in sending for the
printer, and directing him to prepare a black letter, and
to send it to his servants at Edinburgh for printing this
x Had Rushw. and Pryn.
LAUD. VOL. in.
338 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
book?; of his approbation of the proofs sent from the
press ; of his fear of delay for* bringing this (31) work
speedily to an end, for the great good (not of that Church,
but] of the Church ; of his encouraging Ross, who was
intrusted with the press, to go on with* this piece f of
service, without fear of enemies. All which may be seen
in the autographo.
This argument is as weak as any of the former ; indeed, it
is nothing but a heap of non sequiturs. My letters express
my joy, when the book was ready for the press : therefore
I made the book. As if I might not be glad, that a good
book was ready for the press, but I must be the author of it.
Next, I prayed that God would speed the work/ I did
indeed, and heartily; but may not I humbly desire God to
bless a good work, though I be not the author of it ? Yea,
but I hoped to see that service set up in Scotland/ I did
indeed, and was heartily sorry when my hopes failed ; and
that nation will one day have more cause to be sorry for it,
than I. But what then ? It follows not thence, that the
work was mine. Again, I was diligent with the printer to
prepare letters and send to his servants/ I was, indeed,
diligent herein ; but it was at the entreaty of my brethren
the Scottish bishops. And truly I could do little for them,
the printer being then in England, if I would not send to
him, and desire him to be diligent. Yea, but I approved
the proofs that were sent from the press/ And there was
good reason I should, if they were well done. But I hope,
many a man takes care of the proofs from the press, though
the work be not his.
The next they would fain have seem something; but
tis no better than the rest. For they would prove this
book was my work, because I feared delay; whereas, I
would have a speedy end for the good of (not that Church,
but) the Church/ Fear of delay is no proof that the work
was mine. But do you not mark the subtlety? f for the
good of the Church, not that Church/ They would fain
have some mystery hid here ; but sure there is none. For if
I writ any such thing, the Church/ and that Church/ were
y [See the Archbishop s letter to the z In, Rnshw. and Pryn.
Bishop of Ross, Sept. 19, 1635.] * In, Rushw. and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LATJD. 339
the same Church of Scotland. For when a man writes to a
2 learned man of another nation, and desires anything to be
done for the good of the Church/ he is to be understood of
the good of that Church ; unless some circumstance sway
his meaning another way, which is not here. Yea, but
I encouraged Ross, who was intrusted with the press, to go
on without fear of enemies / therefore the work was mine.
Will not young novices laugh at this logic ? Well, they say,
all this appears in the autographo/ Let them show the
autographon : and if all this be there, then you see all is
nothing; they have showed but their weakness to collect
so poorly l : and if it be not there, then they have showed
their falsehood, with which some of them are too well
acquainted. But prove it good or bad, another proof they
have ; and that is,
4. By letters sent from the Prelate of London, [to Ross b ;]
wherein, as he rejoiceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons,
which although they should make some noise in the be
ginning, yet they would be more for the good of the Kirk,
than the Canons of Edinburgh for the good of the king
dom. So concerning the Liturgy, he showeth that Ross
had sent to him, to have from Canterbury an explanation
of some passages of the Service -boo k, and that the press
behoved to stand, till the explanations came to Edinburgh ;
which, therefore, lie had in haste obtained from his Grace,
and sent the despatch by Cant, his own conveyance.
This argument is much ado about nothing; in which,
notwithstanding, I shall observe some passages, and then
come to the force of the argument, such as it is. And first,
though the business of the Canons be over, yet a merriment
in the Bp. of London s letter must be brought in. Secondly,
though by this letter of the Prelate of London, it be mani
fest he had to do with those Canons as well as I ; and though
he passed as full and as honourable a censure upon them as
I do in any letter of mine; yet, against their knowledge and
their conscience, they avouch peremptorily before , that
1 [ they . . . poorly, in niarg.]
b [To Ross] are added from Pryn c P. 22 [of orig. MS. See above,
and Rushw. p. 319.]
z 2
340 HISTORY OP THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
this was done by Canterbury and no other ; and all this, to
heap all the envy they (3.2) could upon me alone. Thirdly,
here s the same phrase used by my L. of London, that was
used a little before by me; namely, that ( these Canons
would be for the good of the Kirk/ And yet here s never a
wise observation upon it, as was upon me, that they would
be for the good (not of that Church, but) of the Church/
Now for the force of Mr. Henderson s logic (for these
arguments out of doubt are his) : ( Ross writ to the Prelate
of London, to have from Canterbury an explanation of some
passages of the Service-book, because the press stayed; and
he obtained them ; therefore this book was Canterbury s work,
as is before asserted d . Certainly, if Mr. Henderson had any
learning in him, he would be ashamed of this stuff. Boss
sent to me for the explanation of some things, which perhaps
were my additions or alterations in that book ; and used the
Prelate of London for his means, and the press stayed, and
I know not what. As if any of this could make me author
of that book ; which yet if I were, I would neither deny nor
be ashamed of. Howsoever, he should do well to let Canter
bury alone, and answer the learned divines of Aberdeen e ;
who have laid him and all that faction l open enough to the
Christian world, to make the memory of them and their
cause stink to all posterity.
5. But (say they) the book itself, as it standeth interlined,
margined, and, patched up, is much more than all that is
expressed in his letters ; and the changes and supplements
themselves, taken from the Mass-book and other Romish
rituals, by which he makes it to vary from the Book of
England, are more pregnant testimonies of his popish
spirit and wicked intentions, which he would have put in
execution upon us, than can be denied.
In the next place, the book itself is brought in evidence ;
and that s a greater evidence than all that is expressed in my
1 [ faction in marg.]
d P. 30 [of orig. MS. See above, Divinity in Aberdene, 1638. The
p. 336.] Aberdeen divines were Dr. Forbes,
e [See the General Demands con- Dr. Scrogie, Dr. Lesley, Dr. Baron,
cerning the late Covenant propounded and Dr. Ross.]
by the Ministers and Professors of
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 341
letters/ A greater evidence ! But of what ? Not that the
book was of my sole making, which they have hitherto gone
about to prove, and which the former part of this argument
would seem to make good. But now, these interlinings/ and
( margins/ and changes/ and supplements/ are pregnant
proofs of my popish spirit and wicked intentions/ First, I
praise God for it, I have no popish spirit ; and God bless me,
as (to the utmost of my knowledge) I had no wicked intentions
in anything which I did in, or about, that Service-book.
For the other stuff which fills up this argument, that
these changes and supplements are taken from the Mass-
book, and other Romish rituals, and that by these the book
is made to vary from the Book of England; I cannot hold it
worth an answer, till I see some particulars named. For in
this I could retort many things, could I think it fit to put
in l but half so much gall into my ink as hath made theirs
black 2 . In the meantime, I would have them remember
that we live in a Church reformed, not in one made new.
Now all reformation that is good and orderly takes away
nothing from the old, but that which is faulty and erroneous.
If anything be good, it leaves that standing. So that if
these changes from the Book of England be good, tis no
matter whence they be taken. For every line in the Mass-
book, or other popish rituals, are not all evil and corruptions.
There are many good prayers in them ; nor is anything evil
in them, only because tis there. Nay, the less alteration is
made in the public ancient service of the Church, the better
it is, provided that nothing superstitious or evil in itself be
admitted or retained. And this is enough, till I see parti
culars charged: yet with this; that these variations were
taken, either from the first Boole of Edw. VI., which was not
popery ; or from some ancient Liturgies which savoured not
of popery 3 .
The Large Declaration professeih, that all* variation of
our Book from the Book of England, that ever the King
1 [ in in marg.]
[ made theirs black. in marg. Originally, thickened theirs. ]
3 [ yet with this . . . popery. on opposite page.]
f all the Rushw. and Pryu.
342 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
understood, was in such things as the Scottish humours
would better comply with, than with that which stood in
the English Service s.
That which the f Large Declaration professeth/ I leave the
author of it to make good. Yet whosoever was the author 11 ,
thus much I can say, and truly, that the Scottish bishops
(some of them) did often say to me, that the people would 1
be better satisfied by much to have a (33) Liturgy com
posed by their own bishops, (as this was,) than to have the
Service-book of England put upon them. But to what end
is this added out of the Large Declaration ? Why, tis to
cast more hatred upon me. For thus they infer :
These popish innovations, therefore, have been surreptitiously
inserted by him, without the King s knowledge, and against
his purpose.
This is as false as tis bold ; for let them prove that any
one 1 particular, be it the least, was so added by me to that
book; and let no justice spare me. In the meantime, here
I take it upon my salvation [ , that I inserted nothing without
his Majesty s knowledge/ nor anything * against his purpose/
Our Scottish prelates do petition, that somewhat may be
abated of the English ceremonies ; as the cross in bap
tism, the ring in marriage, and some other things. But
Canterbury will not only have those kept, but a great
many more, and worse, super added -, which was nothing
else but the adding of fuel unto the fire k .
I cannot remember that ever any such petition was showed
to me. This I remember well, that when a deliberation was
held, whether it were better to keep close to the English
Liturgy, or venture upon some additions ; some of your
Scottish bishops were very earnest to have some alterations,
1 [ that any one originally, that there is but one ]
s [See " A Large Declaration con- sion, as if objectionable.]
cerning the late Tumults in Scotland, k Here Rushworth s copy addeth,
by the King," p. 18.] To express and discover all would re-
h [The Book was written by Dr. quire a whole book. We shall only
Balcanqual, Dean of Durham, in the touch some few in the matter of the
King s name.] Communion. So also Pryn.
[Abp. Sancroft notes this expres-
OF AllCHBISHOr LAUD. 343
and some additions. And they gave this for their reason,
because if they did not then make that book as perfect as
they could, they should never be able to get it perfected
after. Canterbury, therefore,, was not the man that added
this fuel to your fire/ And whereas, to heap on farther
hatred, it is said, that I did not only add more, but worse
ceremonies/ I can say nothing to that, because I know no one
-ceremony in the one book or the other that is bad. And
when they give an instance in the ceremonies, which they
say are worse in their book than in ours, I shall give such
answer as is fitting, and such as I doubt not shall be suf
ficient. And now, it seems, they ll come to particulars ; for
they say :
I. This book inverteth the order of the Communion in the
Book of England, as may be seen by the numbers setting
down the order of this new Communion, 1, 5, 2, 6, 7, 3,
4, 8, 9, 10, II 1 . Of the divers secret reasons of this
change, we mention one only, enjoining the spiritual
sacrifice 111 and thanksgiving, which is in the Book of
England pertinently after the Communion, with the prayer
of consecration, before the Communion, and that under
the name of memorial, or oblation ; for no other end but
that the memorial and sacrifice of praise mentioned in it
may be understood according to the popish meaning,
[15 (Bellarm. de Missa, 1. ii. c. 21 n ,) not of the spiritual
sacrifice, but of the oblation of the body of the Lord.
This book (they say) inverts the order of the Communion
in the Book of England/ Well, and what then ? To invert
1 [The service in our own office is of 3 and 4,) agree with those in the
arranged as follows : text.]
1. To the end of Prefaces. (1) m Praise, Eushw. and Pryn.
2. Prayer of humble access. (5) " [" Falsum est, per sacrificium
3. Consecration. (2) laudis, cujus in Canone fit mentio,
4. Bread. (6) debere accipi sacrificium spirituale,
5. Cup. (7) quod in laude et gratiaruna actione
6. Lord s Prayer. (4) consistit ; significatur enim ea voce
7. Oblation. (3) sacrificium veri corporis Domini, quod
8. Thanksgiving. (8) sacrificium laudis dicitur, quia per
9. Gloria. (9) illucl Deus magnopere laudatur, et
10. Blessing. (10) gratise illi aguntur pro summis ejus
II. Collects. (11) in nos beneticiis." Bell, de Missa,
The figures in parentheses mark the lib. ii. cap. xxi. Deinde falsa/ Op.,
order in the Scotch Service-book, and torn. iii. p. 237. E.]
with one exception, (the transposition
344 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
the order of some prayers, in the Communion, or any other
part of the service, doth neither pervert the prayers, nor
corrupt the worship of God. For I hope they are not yet
grown to be such superstitious cabalists as to think that
numbers work anything. For so the prayers be all good (as
tis most manifest these are), it cannot make them ill to be
read in 5, 7, or 3 place, or the like ; unless it be in such
prayers only, where the order is essential to the service then
in hand ; as, for example, to read the Absolution first, and the
Confession after ; and in the Communion, to give the Sacra
ment to the people first, and read the Prayer of Consecration
after. In these cases, to invert the order, is to pervert the
service; but in all other ordinary prayers, which have not
such a necessary dependance upon order, first, second, or
third works no great effect. And though I shall not find
fault with the order of the prayers, as they stand in the
Communion-book of England, (for, God be thanked, tis
well ;) yet, if a comparison must be made, I do think the order
of the prayers, as now they stand in the Scottish Liturgy,
to be the better, and more agreeable to use in the primitive
Church ; and I believe, they which are learned will acknow
ledge it. And therefore these men do bewray a great deal
of will and weakness, to call this a new Communion, only be-
(34) cause all the prayers stand not in the same order.
But they say, there are divers secret reasons of this
change in the order. Surely there was reason for it, else
why a change? But that there was any hidden secret reason
for it, (more than that the Scottish prelates thought fit that
book should differ in some things from ours in England ;
and yet that no differences could be l more safe than those
which were in the order of the prayers ; especially since both
they and we were of opinion, that of the two this order came
nearest to the primitive Church ;) truly I neither know nor
believe 2 .
As for the only reason given of this change, tis in my
judgment a strange oneX Tis, forsooth, for no other end,
they say, but that the memorial and sacrifice of praise men
tioned in it may be understood according to the popish
1 [ that no ... be orig. that the differences could not be ]
2 [ neither know nor believe. in marg.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 345
meaning, not of the spiritual sacrifice, but of the oblation of
the body of the Lord/ Now ignorance and jealousy, whither
will you ? l ( For the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving/ no
man doubts but that is to be offered up ; nor doth any man
of learning question it, that I know, but that according to
our Saviour s own command, we are to do whatsoever is done
in this office, { as a memorial of his body and blood offered
up and shed for us. S. Luc. xxii. Now, tis one thing
offer up his body, and another to offer up the memorial of
his body, with our praise and thanks for that infinite blessing .J
so that were that change of order made for this end, (which
is more than I know,) I do not yet see how any popish
L16 meaning, so much feared, can be fastened upon it. And the
words in that prayer are plain, (as they are also in the Book
of England,) that we offer and present unto God, ourselves,
our souls and bodies, to be a reasonable, holy, and lively sacri
fice unto Him. What is there here that can be drawn to a
popish meaning, unless it be with the cords of these men s
vanity ? Yet thus much we have gained from them, that
this prayer comes in the Book of England pertinently after
the Communion. Any approbation is well of that anti-
christian Service-book (as tis often called) 2 ; and I verily
believe, we should not have gained this testimony of them
for it, but only that they are content to approve that, to make
the greater hatred against their own. Next they tell us :
2. // seems to be no great matter, that without warrant of
the Book of England, the presbyter going from the north
end of the table, shall stand during the time of consecra
tion at such a part of the table where he may with the
more ease and decency use both his hands ; yet being
tried, it importeth much : as that he must stand with his
hinder parts to the people ; representing (saith Durand)
that which the Lord said to Moses, Thou shall see my
hinder parts ip ,
Truly, this charge is, it seems, { no great matter. And yet
here again they are 3 offended that this is done without
1 [Here inserted, and erased, How can sacrifidum laudis be oblatio cor-
poris? ] 2 [ as tis often called/ in marg.] 3 [ are, orig. seem. ]
S. Lu. xxii. 19.
[See Durandi Kationale, lib. iv. cap. xi. 2, p. 107. Lugd. 1672.]
346 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
warrant of the Book of England/ How comes this Book of
England l to be so much in their esteem, that nothing must
be done without warrant from it ? Why, ^tis not that they
approve that book, for they will none of that neither ; but tis
only to make their complaint more acceptable in England.
Yet they say, this very remove of the presbyter during
the time of consecration, upon trial imports much/ The
rubric professes, that nothing is meant by it, but that he
may use both his hands with more ease and decency about
that work/ And I protest in the presence of Almighty God q ,
T know of no other intention herein than this. But these
men can tell more. They are sure it is, that he may turn
his hinder parts to the people, representing that which the
Lord said to Moses/ And what warrant have they for this ?
Why Durand says so. Now truly the more fool he. And
they shall do well to ask their own bishops, what acquaint
ance they have with Durand. For as for myself, I was so
poorly satisfied with the first leaf 1 read in him, that I never
meddled with him since. Nor, indeed, do I spend any time
in such authors as he is. So I have nothing to do with this.
Yea, but (35) they find fault with the reason given in the
rubric. For they say :
He must have the use of both his hands, not for anything he
hath to do about the bread and the wine ; (for that may r
be done at the north end of the table, and be better seen
of the people ;) but (as we are taught by the Rationalists s )
that he may } by stretching out fc his arms, represent the
extension of Christ on the cross u .
But the reason given in the rubric doth not satisfy them ;
for they say plainly, they have no use of both their hands
for any thing that is to be done about the bread and the wine/ 117
Surely these men consecrate their elements in a very loose
and mean way, if they can say truly, c that they have not use
1 [ of England in marg.]
i [Abp. Bancroft marks this expres- 8 [Admirers of Durand s Rationale.]
sion also, as probably considering it * Forth, Rushw. and Pryn.
too solemn.] u [See Durandi Rationale, lib. iv.
r Must, Rushw. cap. xliii. 3, p. 176.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 347
of both tlieir hands in this work. Or, that whatsoever is
done e may as well be done at the north end of the table /
which in most places is too narrow, and wants room, to lay
the Service-book open before him that officiates, and to place
the bread and wine within his reach. So that in that place
tis hard for the presbyter to avoid the unseemly disordering
of something or other that is before him, perhaps the very
elements themselves ; which may give scandal to them which
come to communicate : especially since, in the margin of the
Prayer of Consecration, he is ordered to lay his hand upon the
bread and the wine which he consecrates 1 . As for his being
better seen of the people/ that varies according to the nature
of the place, and the position of the table ; so that in some
places he may be better seen, and in some not. Though I am
not of opinion, that it is any end of the administration of the
Sacrament to have the priest better seen of the people/
Thus much against the reason x given in the rubric.
Next, they produce other reasons of this position of his at
the holy table. And first, they say, tis not for the more *
convenient use of both his hands in the celebration of that
work ; but it is, (say they,) ( that he may, by stretching out
his arms, represent the extension of Christ on the cross/
Why, but I say not this ; nor is there any such thing ordered
or required in the book ; nor doth any English divine prac
tise this that I know. Why then is this charged upon me ?
Nor is it sufficient for them to say, they are taught thus by
the Rationalists/ unless I did affirm, or practise, as those
Rationalists do. Here s a great deal of charity wanting. But
they bring another reason as good as this is ; and that is
That he may the more conveniently lift up the bread and
wine over ? his head, to be seen and adored of the people ;
who, in the Rubric of General Confession a little before,
are directed to kneel humbly on their knees, that the
priest s elevation, so magnified in the Mass, and the
people s adoration may go together.
1 [ or other that is ... consecrates. on opposite page.]
1 Viz. their argument taken from given in the rubric. H. W.
the reason of the posture of the priest, y above Kushw. and Pryn.
348 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
fa
\ Good God ! whither tends this malice ? There is not a
word in the book of this neither : not of lifting the bread
and wine over his head ; much less is there anything/ to
have it adored by the people/ And as there is nothing in
the book,, so nothing hath ever been said or done by me,
that tends this way/j Now, if none of this hath been said or
done by me, what means this ? Sure they mean to charge the
Rationalists with this, and not me ; unless I did by word or
deed approve them herein l . l Yea, but ( a little before, in
the Rubric of General Confession, the people are directed to
kneel humbly on their knees/ That s true. And what
posture so fit, as that which is humble, when men are making
confession of their sins to God? (But that which follows,
namely, that the priest s elevation and the people s adora
tion may go together/ is utterly false. There is not one
word of it in the rubric, nor ever was there one thought of 118
it in myself, or (as I verily believe) in any of the compilers
of that book. And tis well known, that through the whole
Church of England, the form is to receive the blessed Sacra
ment kneeling; arid yet without any adoration at all of
the bread and wine. ^ So this charge, which way soever it
look, cannot hit me. Howsoever, God forgive this malice.
For are the people directed to kneel, to the end the
priest s elevation and the people s adoration may go toge
ther ? Why then so let them go : for the priest with us
makes no elevation, nor therefore the people any adora
tion, of those elements. But there is yet more behind : for
they say
That in this posture, speaking with a low voice, and mut
tering, (for at some times he is commanded to speak
with a loud (36) voice, and distinctly,) he be not heard
by the people ; which is no less a mocking of God and
his people, than if the words were spoken in an unknown
language.
This again, by my accusers good leave, is utterly false.
For there is no rubric in the whole book, that commands
the priest to use a muttering or low voice. This, therefore,
1 [ herein. in marg.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LATJ1). 349
is drawn in only by consequence, and that an ill one. As if,
because he is sometimes commanded to speak aloud, he were
thereby enjoined, in other parts of the service, to speak with
a low voice ; which is not so. In the Book of England, in
some places the minister is directed, before he begins the
prayer, to say, Let us pray / which is but to keep their
attention waking, and to put them in mind what they are
doing, or ought to do. And shall any man infer upon this,
Let us pray; 7 therefore they were not at prayer before? So
here, if in some principal part of the service there be a
caveat given, that f the Presbyter shall speak with a laud
voice, and distinctly/ (I say f if/ for I do not yet find the
rubric where it is,) it implies, that he be very careful in
that place, that his voice be audible and distinct; but it
imports not, that therefore in other parts of the service it
may be low, or confused, or unheard. And yet, if such a
consequence were to be drawn; tis no new thing in the
Church of Christ, that the minister did pray sometimes in
the public assembly, in a very low voice, if at all audible.
For it was ordered in the Council of Laodicea z , that among
the prayers which were made by the faithful, after the
hearers and the penitents were gone out, that the first should
be in silence : perhaps for the presbyter to commend him
self, and his office, which he was then to execute, privately
to God. But, howsoever, in the public service, that all
should be public, I rather approve \
As for that which follows, That to utter the common
service of the Church in a low voice, not heard by the people,
is no less a mocking of God and His people, than if the words
were spoken in an unknown tongue: this were well charged,
if any man did command, that the public service should be
read in so low a voice, that the people might not hear it.
But since no man, that I know, approves it, and since there
is nothing in the book that requires it, I know not to what
1 [ And yet, . . . approve. pnrtly interlined and partly on opposite page.]
KOI vTrux (a P n (r - v rwv > ourws rcav TTHTTUV Cone. Laodicen. Can. xviii. [Cone.
TO.S etr^cts yiveadai rpeTs filoaf /J.ti> r^v torn. i. col. 1500. C.]
riv 8e Ssvrepav Kal
350 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
end tis urged here. And yet this by their leave too; were 119
prayers read in so low a voice, it were a mocking of the
people/ I confess, to call them to Church, and not let them
hear. But, how either prayer in a low voice, or an unknown
tongue, to the people l , should be a mocking of God, I cannot
conceive ; unless these men think (as Elias put it upon the
prophets of Baal) that their God is talking, or journeying,
or perhaps sleeping, and must be awaked before he can
hear; or, that any tongue unknown to the people is un
known to God also. But this I presume they will not dare
to say, if it be but for that of St. Paul : He that speaks in
the church in an unknown tongue, speaks not unto men, for
they understand him not ; yet he speaks to God/ and
doubtless doth not mock Him ; for he edifies himself, and in
the spirit speaks mysteries ; neither of which can stand with
the mocking of God/ Now say they
As there is no word of all this in the English Service, so
doth the Book in K. Edw. time give to every presbyter
his liberty of gesture ; which yet gave such offence to
Bucer, (the censurer of the book, and, even in Cassander
his own judgment, a man of great moderation in matters
of this kind,) that he calleth them, nunquam-satis-exe-
crandos Missse gestus a ; and would have them to be
abhorred, because they confirm to the simple and super
stitious 2 , ter-impiam et exitialem Missse fiduciam b .
As there is no word of all this in the English Service,
so neither is there, in the Book for Scotland, more, or other,
or to other purpose, than I have above expressed. For the
Book under Edward VI., at the end of it, there are some
rules concerning ceremonies ; and it doth give liberty of
gesture to every presbyter. But it is only of some gestures,
such as are there named, and similes, not of all/ But if
any will extend it unto all/ then I humbly desire it may
1 [ either . . . people, in marg. Originally it. ]
2 [ and superstitious, in marg.]
* [Mart. Buceri Gens, de Ordinat. b [Ibid.]
Eccl. cap. v. apud Script. Anglican. c An. 1549. Citantur a Bucero in
p. 465. Basil. 1577.] Script. Anglican, p. 455.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 351
be piously and prudently considered, whether this confusion,
which will follow upon every presbyter s liberty and choice,
be not like to prove worse than any rule that is given in
either book for decent uniformity.
And yet (say they) these gestures/ for all this liberty
given, gave such offence to Bucer, the censurer of the book,
that he calls them nunquam-(37)satis-execrandos Misses ges-
tus/ the never sufficiently execrable gestures of the Mass.
First, tis true, Bucer did make some observations upon that
Commoii-Prayer-Book under Edw. VI. And he did it at
the entreaty of Archbishop Cranmer. And after he had made
such observations upon it as he thought fit, he writ thus
to the Archbishop d : Being mindful how much I owe to
your most reverend Fatherhood and the English Churches,
that which is given [me] to see and discern in this busi
ness, I will subscribe : this done, your most reverend Father
hood, and the rest of your order (that is, the rest of the
bishops,) may judge of what I write e / Where we see, both
the care of Bucer to do what was required of him, and his
Christian humility, to leave what he had done to the judg-
20 ment of the then governors of this Church. By which it
appears, that he gave his judgment upon that book/ not as
being the censurer 3 of it, (as these men call him,) but as
delivering up his animadversions upon it to that authority
which required it of him. Much less was it such a censure
as must bind all other men to his judgment, which he very
modestly submits to the Church. Howsoever 1 , this hath
been the common error (as I humbly conceive) of the English
1 [ And he did . . . Howsoever, in opposite page. The original passage,
now erased, ran thus, But whether he did it voluntarily, or by appointment
of the State and Church, I know not. If he did it voluntarily, that which he
says, if it is but his private judgment, we may value it somewhat the less.
But if he did it as being put in trust by authority, we may then fairly think
he gave his judgment as required, but not as being the censure of that book,
which was made by as pious and as learned men as himself ; nor as such a
censure as must bind all other men to his judgment. ]
d [Abp. Sancroft objects to the subscribere. Reverendissima paterni-
translation of this and the immedi- tas tua, aliique tui ordinis de his
ately preceding passage from Bucer.] judicabunt." Buceri Epist. ad Archie-
e " Memor ergo quid reverendissi- pise, quse extat inter Opera ejus Angl.
mee paternitati tuae, et Ecclesiis Angli- p. 456. [ad init. Censurse in Ordinat.
canis cum primis debeam, quod datum Eccles.]
est mihi hac in re videre, id studeam
352 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
nation, to entertain and value strangers in all professions of
learning beyond their desert, and to the contempt, or passing
by ] at least, of men of equal worth of their own nation ;
which I have observed, ever since I was of ability to judge of
these things.
But be this as it may. These men have notoriously cor
rupted Bucer. For they say, he calls them nunquam-satts-
execrandos Misses gestusj referring the execration to the
ceremonial gestures. But Bucer s words are, nunquam-satis-
execrandce Missa gestus, referring to the execration of the
Mass itself, not to the gestures in it, of bowing the knee, or
beating the breast, or the like, which in themselves (and
undoubtedly in Bucer s judgment also f ) are far enough from
being execrable.
As for that which follows, (and which are Bucer s words
indeed,) that these gestures, or any other which confirm to
the simple ter impiam et exitialem Missae fiduciam (as he
there calls it), the thrice impious and deadly confidence of
the Mass, are to be abhorred/ there s no doubt to be made
of that ; unless (as Cassander % infers well out of Luther
and Bucer both h2 ) they be such ceremonies as impeach not
the free justification of a sinner by faith in Christ, and that
the people may be well instructed concerning the true use of
them. Now all this, at the most, is but Bucer s speech
against such ceremonies (and in such time and place, must
be understood too) as are apt to confirm the simple people
in their opinions of the Mass. But such ceremonies are
neither maintained by me, nor are any such ordered or esta
blished in that book. Therefore this charge falls away quite
1 [ by, originally written over ]
2 [ out . . . both/ added in marg.]
f In Scrip Anglicanis, p. 465. [See illis ceeremoniis salus et justitia con-
above, note a .] stituatur; nee ut preecepta divina,
s [" Quid enim, annon Lutherus et capitalis peccati poena proposita, exi-
Bucerus, ut casteros omittam, saepe et gantur, et de vero illorumusu populus
aperte proclamant, se non detracta- doceatur."] In Defensione Libelli de
turos, cur minus caeremonias pleras- Officio pii Viri, [Op.,] p. 867. [Paris,
que omnes, et traditiones, in Ecclesia 1616.]
llomana publice receptas communiter h [The particular passages of Luther
observent, his modo adjectis condi- and Bucer referred to, are quoted by
tionibus, si doctrina Evangelii de Cassander in the margin of the page
justificatione gratuita per fidem in above quoted.]
Christum non impediatur nee in
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 353
from me, and Bucer must make his own speeches good. For
my own part, I am in this point of ceremonies of the same
mind with Cassander (that man of great moderation in
matters of this kind, as my accusers here call him) : and he
says plainly a little after, in the same place, concerning
Luther s and Bucer s judgment in these things, Quanquam
est, quod in istis viris desiderem [ ; though I approve them in
many things, yet there is somewhat which I want k in these
men. But the charge goes on :
3 ^ The corporal 1 presence of Christ s body in the Sacra
ment, is also to be found here. For the words of the
Mass-book, serving to that purpose, are m sharply censured
by Bucer in King Edward s Liturgy, and are not to be
found in the Book of England, are taken in here. Almighty
God is in-called, that of His Almighty goodness he may
vouchsafe so to bless and sanctify with His word and His
Spirit these gifts of bread and wine, that they may be
unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here,
. is made a work of God s omnipotency. The words of the
Mass, ut fiant nobis, are translated in King Edwd^s
Book, that they may be unto us; )whichis n again turned
into Latin by Messius l , ut fiant nobis .
They say, the corporal presence of Christ s body 2 in the
Sacrament, is to be found in this Service-book. But they
must pardon me ; I know it is not there. I cannot be
myself of a contrary judgment, and yet suffer that to pass.
But let s see their proof. The words of the Mass-book,
serving to that purpose, which are sharply censured by Bucer
in King Edwd s Liturgy, and are not to be found in the
Book of England, yet are taken into this Service-book.
I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edwd s
Messius, in marg. Alesius, in Wharton s hand.]
of Christ s body in marg.]
1 Cassand. ibid. [p. 868.] ing title, Ordinatio Ecclesiae, seu
k is wanting Ministerii Ecclesiastic! in florentis-
1 corporeal Rushw. simo Regno Anglias, conscripta ser-
in [ which are Prynne. ] mone patrio, et in Latinam linguam
n are Rush, and Pryn. bona fide conversa . . . . ab Alexandro
[This version of the English Atesio Scoto, Sacrae Theologian doc-
Prayer-book by Alexander Ales was lore. Lipsisa 1551. ]
published in 1551, under the follow-
LAUD. VOL. in. & A
354 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
Liturgy, fit for Bucer to censure sharply ; and therefore not
tending to that purpose : for did they tend to that, they
could not be censured too sharply. The words, it seems, are
these : (38) < O merciful Father, of Thy Almighty goodness,
vouchsafe so to bless and sanctify with Thy word and Holy
Spirit, these Thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine, that
they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Thy most dearly
beloved Son P. Well, if these be the words, how will they
squeeze corporal presence out of them? Why, first the
change here, is made a work of God s omnipotency. Well,
and a work of omnipotency it is, whatever the change be.CFor
less than Omnipotence cannot change those elements, either
in nature, or use, to so high a service as they are put in that
great Sacrament. And therefore the invocating of God s
Almighty goodness to effect this by them, is no proof at all
of intending the ( corporal presence of Christ in this Sacra
ment/ Tis true, this passage is not in the Prayer of Conse
cration in l the Service-book of England - } but I wish with
all my heart it were. For though the consecration of the
elements may be without it, yet it is much more solemn and
full by that invocation.
Secondly, these words/ they say, f intend the corporal pre
sence of Christ in the Sacrament, because the words in the
Mass are, ut fiant nobis ^, that they may be unto us the Body
and the Blood of Christ/ Now for the good of Christendom,
I would with all my heart, that these words 2 , ut fiant
nobis, that these elements might be, to us/ worthy re
ceivers, the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour, were
the worst error in the Mass, For then I would hope, that
this great controversy, which to all men that are out of the
Church, is the shame, and among all that are within the
Church, is the division of Christendom, might have some
good accommodation. For if it be only, ut fiant nobis, that
they may be to us, the Body and the Blood of Christ; it
implies clearly, that they ( are to us/ but are not transub-
1 [ the Prayer ... in in marg.]
2 [ that these words, in marg.]
P In the Prayer of Consecration in Mass are, Ut nobis corpus et sanguis
the Liturgy for Scotland. fiant dilectissimi Filii tui Domini
i The words in the Canon of the nostri Jesu Christi.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 355
stantiated in themselves, into the Body and Blood of Christ,
nor that there is any corporal presence, in, or under the
elements.) And then nothing can more cross the doctrine
of the present Church of Rome, than their own service. For
as the elements after the benediction, or consecration, are,
and may be called, the Body and Blood of Christ, without
any addition, in that real and true sense in which they are
so called in Scripture; so, when they are said to become
the Body and Blood of Christ, nobiSj to us that communi
cate .as^ we ought ; there is by this addition, fiant nobis l , an
allay in the proper signification of the body and blood : and
the true sense, so well signified and expressed, that the words
cannot well be understood otherwise, than to imply not the
corporal substance, but the real, and yet the spiritual use
of them 2 . And so the words, ut fiant nobis, import quite
contrary to that which they are brought to prove. And
I hope that which follows will have no better success.
On the other side, the expressions of the Book of England,
at the delivery of the elements ; of feeding on Christ by
faith ; and of eating and drinking in remembrance that
Christ died for thee, are utterly deleted.
Before, they went about to prove an intendment to esta
blish the doctrine of the corporal presence of Christ in the
Sacrament/ by some positive words ; and here, they go
about to prove the same by the omission of some other words
of the Book of England. For they say (and tis true), that *-
those words are expressed in the English Liturgy, at the
delivery of the elements, and are left out of the Book pre
pared for Scotland. But it is altogether false, either that
this omission was intended to help to make good a corporal
presence/ or that a corporal presence can by any good con
sequence [be] proved out of it. For the first, of feeding on
Christ by faith/ if that omission be thought to advantage
anything toward a corporal presence / surely, neither the
Scottish bishops/ nor myself, were so simple to leave it out
here, and keep these words in immediately after r : which
1 [ by this . . . nobis, in marg.]
2 [ And then nothing (lin. 3) ... them. in opposite page.]
In the Collect of Thanksgiving after the receiving.
A A 2
356 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
have duly received those holy mysteries, with the spiritual
food of the most precious Body and Blood of Thy Son/ For
the feeding on Christ by faith/ and the spiritual food of
the Body and Blood of Christ/ are all one ; and tis hard,
that the asserting of a spiritual food/ should be made the
proof [of] a corporal presence / or, that the omitting of it in
one place, should be of greater force than the affirming it in
another. The like is to be said of the second omission, ( of
eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us.
For that remembrance of His death and passion is expressed
almost immediately before s . And would not this have been
omitted, as well as the other, had there been an intention
to forget this remembrance, and to introduce a corporal
presence ? Besides, St. Paul himself, in the 1 Cor. xi. 1 , adds
this, in remembrance of Me ; but in the 1 Cor. x. u , The
cup of blessing, which we bless, is it not the communion of
the Blood of Christ? The bread which we break, is it not
the communion of the Body of Christ ? Which interrogation
there, is a pressing affirmation ; and these words, in remem
brance of Christ/ are omitted. And what then will these
my learned adversaries say, that St. Paul omitted this to
establish a corporal presence ? } I hope they will not l .
But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work,
it cannot reflect upon me. For when I shall come to set
down (as I purpose, God willing, to do x ) the brief story 2 ,
what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland ; it shall then
appear, that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent
them, without any omission or addition at all, this or any
other; that so the public Divine service might, in (39) all
his Majesty s dominions, have been one and the same. C But
some of the Scottish Bps. prevailed herein against me ; and
some alterations they would have from the Book of England,
and this was one, as I have to show under the then Bp. of
Dunblain s hand, Dr. Wetherborne, whose notes I have yet
by me, concerning that alterations in the Service-book. And
Besides, St. Paul . . . not. in marg.]
the brief story, in marg.]
1 In the Prayer of Consecration. x Page 71 [of original MS. See
1 ] Cor. xi. 24. below, p. 427.]
u 1 Cor. x. 16.
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 357
concerning this particular, his words are these : * The Body
of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve
thy body and soul unto everlasting life : and so, the Blood
of, &c. : whereunto every receiver answered, Amen. There is
no more in King Edw. VI. his first book. And if there be
no more in ours, the action will be much the shorter. Be
sides, the words which are added since, Take, eat, in remem
brance, &c./ may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuingliari
tenet, That the Sacrament is a bare sign taken in remem
brance of Christ s passion."! So that for my part, first, I see
no hurt in the omission of those latter words, none at all.
And next, if there be any, it proceeded not from me. That
which follows, is a mere flourish in the general. For they
say
Many evidences there be in this part of the Communion of
the bodily presence of Christ, very agreeable to the doc
trine taught by his sectaries y ; which this paper cannot
contain. They teach us, that Christ is received in the
r Sacrament corporaliter, both objective and subjective.
Corpus Christi est objectum, quod recipitur; at corpus
nostrum est subjectum, quo recipitur.
( Many weak collections and inferences are made by these
men out of this part of the Communion of the bodily presence
of Christ ; but not one evidence is, or can be showed.) As
for sectaries/ I have none, nor none can have in this point.
For no men can be sectaries/ or followers of me in that,
which I never held or maintained. And tis well known,
I have maintained the contrary z , and perhaps as strongly as
any my opposites, and upon grounds more agreeable to the
doctrine of the primitive Church. \ Among these sectaries/
which they will needs call mine, they say there are, which
teach them, that Christ is received in the sacrament corpo
raliter, both objective and subjective. For this opinion, be
it whose it will, I for my part do utterly condemn it, as
grossly superstitious. ] And for the person that affirms it,
they should have done well to name him, and the place where
he delivers this opinion. Had this been done, it had been
fair; and I would then have clearly acknowledged what
y Secretaries, Rush. puncto 4, p. 292, &c. [Edit. 1639; p.
1 Conference with Fisher, 35. 327. Edit. Oxford, 1849.]
358 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
relation (if any) the person had to me ; and more fully have
spoken to the opinion itself, when I might have seen the full
scope together, of all that he delivered. But I doubt there
is some ill cause or other, why this author is not named by
them. Yet the charge goes on,
4. The Book of England abolishes all that may import the
oblation of an & unbloody sacrifice; but here we have,
besides the preparatory oblation of the elements, which is
neither to be found in the Book of England now, nor in
King Edward s Book of old, the oblation of the body and
the blood of Christ, which Bellarmin calls, Sacrificium
laudis, quia Deus per illud magnopere laudatur b . This
also agrees [well c ] with their late doctrine.
First, I think no man doubts, but that there is, and ought
to be offered up to God at the consecration and reception of
this Sacrament,, sacrificium laudis, the sacrifice of praise:
and that this ought to be expressed in the Liturgy, for the
instruction of the people. And these words, f We entirely
desire Thy fatherly goodness, mercifully to accept this our
sacrifice of praise, and thanksgiving, &c/ are both in the
Book of England, and in that which was prepared for Scot
land. } And if Bellarmin do call the oblation of the body
and the blood of Christ, a sacrificium of praise, sure he doth
well in it ; (for so it is) if Bellarmin mean no more, by the
oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ, than a com
memoration and a representation of that great sacrifice
offered up by Christ himself; as Bishop Jewel very learnedly
and fully acknowledges d . But if (40) Bellarmin go further
than this, and by the oblation of the body and the blood of
Christ/ mean, that the priest offers up that, which Christ
* any Hush, and Pryn. and reporteth unto our minds that
b [Bell, de Missa, lib. ii. cap. xxi. One and Everlasting Sacrifice that
Deinde falsa. Op., torn. iii. p. 237. E. Christ made in His Body upon the
See the whole passage above, p. 343, Cross
note ".] " This remembrance and oblation of
c well Rush, and Pryn. praises, and rendering of irhanks unto
d [" The ministration of the Holy God for our redemption in the Blood
Communion is sometimes of the of Christ, is called of the old Fathers
ancient Fathers called an unbloody an unbloody Sacrifice, and of S. Au-
sacrifice, not in respect of any cor- gustine, the Sacrifice of the new
poral or fleshly presence, that is Test." Jewell,] Respons. ad Harding,
imagined to be there without blood- Art. 17. divis. 14. [p. 428. Lond.
shedding, but for that it representeth 16C9.]
OF AUCHBISHOP LAUD. 359
himself did, and not a commemoration of it only 6 ; he is
erroneous in that, and can never make it good. But what
Bellarmiri s opinion and meaning is, when he calls it sacri-
ficium laudis, a sacrifice of praise, I cannot tell, till they be
pleased to quote the place, that I may see and consider of it.
In the meantime there is as little said in the Liturgy for
Scotland, which may import an oblation of an unbloody
sacrifice, as is in the Book of England. ( As for c the oblation
of the elements f , that s fit and proper ; and I am sorry, for
my part, that it is not in the Book of England.) But they
say further :
We are ready (when it shall be judged convenient, and we
shall be desired] to discover much more of matters in
this kind, as grounds laid for Missa Sicca, or the Half
Mass ; for private Mass without the people ; of commu
nicating in one kind ; of the consumption by the priest,
and the consummation of the sacrifice ; of receiving the
sacrament in the mouth, and not in the hand, fyc.
Here s a conclusion of this charge against me concerning
the Service-book. And these charitable men, which have
sought no less than my life, now say, they are ready, when
it shall be convenient, and that they shall be desired, to
deliver much more in this kind/ Sure the time can never
be more convenient for them than now, when anything they
will say shall be believed, even against apparent evidence,
or most full proof to the contrary. And I do desire them,
that notwithstanding this is hora vestra, et potestas tenebra-
rum, their most convenient time; that they will discover
anything which they have more to say. But the truth is,
here s nothing in this threatened heap, but cunning and
malice. For they would seem to reckon up many things ;
but divers of them are little different, as missa sicca, and
1 communicating in one kind. And neither these, nor any
of the rest, offered with any proof; nor indeed are they able
to prove, that any grounds are laid for any one of them, in
e "Differentia est in modo ; illic 25. [p. 79. Lugd. Bat. 1642.]
enim Christus vere occisus est : hie In the Prayer of Consecration in
mortis fit representatio." Hugo Grot, the Liturgy for Scotland,
in Consult. Cassandri. ad Art. 10. p.
360 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
that Service-book. And for my own part, I have expressed 12i
myself as fully against these particulars, as any Protestant
that hath written. Yet they say
Our supplications were many against these books : but Can
terbury procured them to be answered with horrible %
proclamations. We were constrained to use the remedy
of protestation : but for our protest ations, and other lawful
means } which were used for our deliverance, Canterbury
procured us to be declared rebels and traitors to all the
parish-kirks of England, where 1 * we were seeking to possess
our religion in peace, against those devices and novations ;
Canterbury kindles i war against us. In all these it is
known that he was, although not the sole, yet the principal
agent and adviser.
Their supplications against these books of the Canons and
the Service, were many indeed ; but how well qualified, (the
matter duly considered,) I leave to them, who shall take the
pains to look into them. And howsoever, most untrue it is,
that I caused them to be answered with horrible proclama
tions/ Nor were they constrained by anything that I know,
but their own wilfulness, to use the churlish 1 remedy of
protestation against their Sovereign s lawful power in law
ful things. They add, that for their protestations, and other
lawful means, which they used for their deliverance, Canter
bury procured them to be proclaimed rebels/ Now truly
I know no other lawful means that they used, but taking up
of arms professedly against the King : and I, for my part, do
not conceive that lawful for subjects to do, in any cause of
religion or otherwise ; and this, I am sure, was the ancient
Christian doctrine.
And yet when they had taken up arms, I did not procure
them to be declared rebels and traitors/ The proclamation
for that went out by common advice of the Lds. of the
Council; and their carriage at that time deserved it plenti
fully, let them paint over that action how they can. And let
1 [ churlish in margin.]
if terrible Rush, and Prj-n. * kindled Rushw. and Pryn.
h when Rushw. and Prvn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 361
the world and future ages judge, whether to take arms against
their Sovereign (41) were a Christian and an orderly seek
ing to possess their religion in peace/ especially ! being
against no worse devices, or no greater ( novations, than
they have quarrelled at, in these books/ Yet for all this,
I shall after k make it appear, that I kindled no war against
them/ but kept it off from them, as much and as long as
I could. And as themselves confess, I was not the sole/ so
neither they, nor any man else, shall ever be able to prove
I was the principal agent or adviser of that war. Yea, but
When by the Pacification at Barwick, both kingdoms looked
for peace and quietness, he spared not openly in the hear
ing of many, often before the King, and privately at the
Council-table, and the Privy Junto, to speak of us as of
rebels and traitors ; and to speak against the Pacification,
as dishonourable, and meet to be broken. Neither did his
malignancy and bitterness ever suffer him to rest, till a
new war was entered upon, and all things prepared for
our destruction.
126 This article about the breach of the Pacification, the
Parliament of England have thought fit to make a part of
their charge against me; and therefore I shall put off* the
main of my answer till I come to these articles. In the
meantime thus much in brief I shall say to some circum
stantial things in this charge. : And first, I do not think, that
anything can be said to be privately spoken at the Council-
table/ that is openly delivered there, in the hearing of his
Majesty and all the Lords present; and so was all which
I spake there. Secondly, they say, I did ( openly and often
speak of them (the Scots) as of rebels and traitors/ That
indeed is true ; I did so : and I spake as I then thought, and
as I think still. For it was as desperate a plotted treason, as
ever was in any nation. And if they did not think so them
selves, what needed their Act of Oblivion in Scotland? or
the like in England, to secure their abettors here ? Thirdly,
for the ( Pacification at Barwick/ whatever I said touching
1 [ especially ID margin.]
k Page 70 [of orig. MS. See below, p. 425.]
362 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
the dishonour of it (as shall after appear l ), yet no man can
truly charge me that I said it was meet to be broken/
Fourthly, I had no malignity answerable to their bitterness
against the Church of England ; nor did the entering upon
a new war proceed from my counsels ; nor did I give further
way to it than all the Lords of the Junto did. Lastly, it is
manifest here, how truly the King was dealt with on all
hands. For here ye see they take on them to know, not only
what was done at the Council-table/ but what was said also
at the private Junto: when in all that time his Majesty
could get no information of anything that proceeded in Scot
land. But they proceed yet further against me.
By him was it, that our Covenant ra , approven by National
Assemblies, subscribed by his Majesty s Commissioner,
and by the Lords of his Majesty s Council, and by them
commanded to be subscribed by all the subjects of the
kingdom, as a testimony of our duty to God and the King :
by him was it still called, ungodly damnable, treason
able : by him were oaths invented, and pressed upon divers
of our poor countrymen, upon the pain of imprisonment,
and many \pther n ] miseries, which were unwarranted by
law, and contrary to their national oath.
This Covenant indeed, as it was made at first, without at
least, if not against, the King, I did utterly dislike. And if
I did say, it was ungodly, damnable, and treasonable/ I said
no more than it deserved. Nor was it anything the better,
but much the worse, if (as it was so made at first) it were
approved by National Assemblies : for that was but the greater
sign, that the rebellious faction grew stronger. But I never
found fault with their Covenant, after they were pleased to
take in the King, and by his authority, signified by the sub
scription of his Commissioner / to do what was fit to be
done. Nor was there any oath invented or pressed by me
upon their countrymen, unwarrantable by law ; for I neither
1 Page 72 [of orig. MS. See below, What is meant by taking the King
p. 429.] into the Covenant, and his Commis-
m [See a copy of the Covenant in sioner subscribing it, see the King s
Rush worth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. " Large Declaration," p. 1 34, &c. W.S.
734 seq.] A. C. [See Rushworth s Collections,
n Rushw. vol. ii. pp. 780, 781.]
Or ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 363
invented nor pressed any: but whatsoever was done in this
kind, was done by public authority at the Council-table P.
And if any oath tendered to them there (42) were contrary
to their national oath/ I doubt it will easily be found, that
127 their national oath (if such it be) was contrary to their due
and natural allegiance. But what s next ? Why, this :
When our Commissioners did appear to render the reasons
of our demands, he spared not, in the presence of the King
and the Committee, to rail against our National Assembly,
as not daring to appear before the world and Kirks abroad,
where himself and his actions ivere able to endure trial ;
and against our just and necessary defence, as the most
malicious and treasonable contempt of monarchical govern
ment that any by-gone age had heard of. His hand also
was at the warrant of restraint and imprisonment of our
Commissioners, sent from the Parliament, warranted by
the King, and seeking the peace of the kingdom.
. There are divers things in this part of the charge. And
the first is, that I railed at their National Assembly, in the
presence of the King and the Committee/ But that, under
favour, is not so. Nor is it my fashion to rail at anybody,
much less in such a presence. I was then openly taxed, and
by name, by the L. Lowdon, one of the Commissioners ; and
that which I said in answer to him was in my own defence :
and it was to this effect : that whatsoever their Assembly
had concluded, did not much move me. For I did assure
myself nothing they could say or do could sink my credit in
Christendom ; going upon grounds which would everywhere
abide trial : and I somewhat doubted, whether the acts of
their Assembly would do so ; since even at home not the
bishops only, but the learned divines of Aberdeen, opposed
divers of them. This was not ( railing against their Assem
bly. And if it shall be thought too much to be spoken by
(though for) myself; I humbly desire the Christian reader to
remember, that even S. Paul was forced to commend himself,
when false brethren accused him q , 2 Cor. xii.
p [See Kushworth s Collections, vol. f i 2 Cor. xii. 11.
ii. pp. 923, 924.]
364 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
Next, they say, f I spake against their just and necessary
defence/ Truly not I : that which I spake was against their
defence, as being neither just nor necessary/ And if
I then said (speaking of things as they stood then) that they
were treasonable contempts of monarchical government;
then, being such, their defence of them could neither be
just nor necessary/ And truly, as they stood then, I held
them very desperate, against the honour and just power of
the King. I say, as they stood then. For since his Majesty
hath referred them to honourable Commissioners of both
nations, and out of his clemency and goodness hath admitted
all, or most of them, (which I believe few kings would have
done,) I have spoken nothing of them, but in prayer, that
God will graciously be pleased to turn all these things to the
good and peace of both kingdoms ; which must be little less
than a miracle, if He do.
As for my hand, that ( it was at the warrant of restraint of
the Commissioners, sent from the Parliament/ &c. ; this also
is but a mere clamour, to bring me into further hatred, which
hath been their aim all along. For why else is my hand
picked out alone, whereas, the hands of all (for aught I know)
that were then present at the Committee, were subscribed to
that warrant 1 "? And yet it seems no hand hath troubled 12
them but mine. And for these Commissioners seeking the
peace of the kingdom/ I will not offer to enter upon their
thoughts, what they sought, but leave it to future times, that
will discover the success of things, and by it open the aim of
the agents, how they sought the peace of these kingdoms/
But yet they go on : -
For when we had (say they) by our declarations, remon
strances, and representations, manifested the truth of our
intentions and lawfulness of our actions to all the good
subjects of the kingdom of England ; when the late Parlia
ment would* not be moved to assist, or enter into a war
against us, maintaining our religion and our liberties ;
1 [ being such, . . . be, on opposite page. Originally written, then could
their defence be neither just ]
r [See the warrant for the committal and others, Rush worth s Collections,
of Lord Lowdon, April 11, 1640, signed vol. iii. pp. 1103, 1104.]
by Laud, the Marquess of Hamilton s could Rushw. and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 365
Canterbury (43) did not only advise the breaking up of
that high and honourable Court, to the great grief and
hazard of the kingdom ; but (which is without example]
did sit still in the Convocation, and make Canons and Con
stitutions against us, and our just and necessary defence.
They did indeed offer by many pamphlets, printed and sent
into England, to manifest the truth of their intentions/
which was to join close with their party here, and come and
gain some good booty in England : and this end they have
obtained. But the lawfulness of their actions they neither
have nor can make good, to any impartial and judicious
reader of them. And whereas they say, they have made the
lawfulness of them manifest to all the good subjects of the
kingdom of England/ you must know, that they are only such
English as join with them in their plot, or at least in affec
tion i to religion : and tis easy to make anything that fits
their humour, and comes from their associates, manifest
enough. But God forbid these should be all the good
subjects of England/ which (may too justly be feared) are
none 1 of them. And yet it cannot be denied, but that England
hath, at this day, much too many of these good subjects/
They add further, that the late Parliament would not
assist, nor enter into a war against them/ I believe that is
true ; and I leave the Parliament to give their own reasons,
why they would not. But I am sure that which follows is
most untrue, f that I gave advice for the breaking of it up/
as appears by that which I have formerly u set down, and will
not repeat. And I shall ever wish from my heart, that the
kingdom may never be hazarded more than it hath been
by my counsels ; and then, by God s blessing, it shall be a
happier kingdom, than the youngest now alive are like to see
it, if things go on in the track they now are.
Next they say, that without all example I sat still in
Convocation/ though the Parliament were risen. Without
example/ What is that to them, if it were so ? But the
Archbishops of Canterbury have sat in Convocation, and
1 [ justly . . . none originally written, justly doubted to be none ]
* in their disaffection. [H. W. u Page 7 of orig. MS. [See above,
Abp. Bancroft suggests reading dis- p. 284.]
affection, or their religion. ]
366 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
made Canons too, when no Parliament hath been sitting, as
is most manifest by the records of that See x . Yea, but there
is no example of it since the Reformation. Be it so : nor is
it, for all that, forbidden in the Statute of the submission of
the Clergy, 25 H. VIII., so they sit by the King s writ.
And yet here I was so careful, as that I caused the great
lawyers of the kingdom to be consulted about it, and followed
their judgments, as is before expressed y. And for the Canons
which were made, they were not against them. One branch,
indeed, of the first Canon is against subjects bearing arms
against their King, offensive or defensive, under any pretence
whatsoever/ But this, as it is the ancient doctrine which
the Church of Christ hath ever taught in all times and places,
so is it not against them at all, unless they, against Christian
religion 2 , and natural allegiance, bear arms against their
King. But if they do, or have done so, the Canon that was
not made against them hits them full. And in this case, let
them pretend what they list, their defence can neither be
1 just nor necessary/ Yea, but they say further, that I
Ordained under all highest pains, That hereafter the Clergy
shall preach four times in the year, such doctrine as is
contrary not only to our proceedings, but to the doctrine a
of other reformed Kirks, to the judgment of all sound
divines and politics, and tending to the utter slavery and
ruin of all states and kingdoms, and to the dishonour of
kings and monarchs.
This goes high indeed, if it were as full in proof as tis
loud in expression. But here is not one show of proof added,
either from reason or authority, divine or human, more than
their bare word ; and therefore I must answer it in the same
key. First, then, tis true, that in the preface (44) of the first
Canon, every minister is enjoined, under a penalty, ( to publish
to his people the exposition of regal power contained in that
Canon ; and this once every quarter of a year. So then, if
the doctrine contained in that Canon be true, (and it was
* [It may be sufficient to refer to y Page 9 [of original MS. See above,
Hody s History of English Councils, p. 285.]
par. iii. pp. 245 seq., where several 7 - Page 40 [of original MS. See
instances are quoted from the Registers above, p. 360.]
of Archbishops Arundel and Chiche- a The place is corrected from Pryn.
ley.] and Rushw., and proceeding.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD.
367
approved for truth by the whole National Synod of England,)
then all this high charge falls low enough. Besides, it will
concern them to consider well, what their proceedings have
heen. For as for this Canon, it is according to the doctrine
and practice of the primitive Church : and they, surely, were
both pious and sound divines that lived in it ; and I, for
my part, shall hold no^man a sound divine that runs con
trary to it.
Now, that the primitive Christians were of opinion, that
subjects ought not to take arms against their kings, offensive
or defensive, upon any pretence whatsoever/ (which are the
words in our Canon b , which they are so angry with,) no, not
for, or under, pretence of religion, see the proofs in the
margin c . For in the most bitter times of persecution, for
the very highest points of religion, whatever miseries they
endured, they still contained themselves within the bounds
b Can. i. sub Carolo. [A.D. 1640.
apud Wilkins Concil. torn, iv.]
c " Plures nimirum, &c. vestra om-
nia implevimus, urbes, insulas, cas-
tella, &c. cui bello non idonei, &c. qui
tarn libenter trucidamur, si non apud
istam disciplinam occidi magis liceret,
quam occidere T Tert. Apologet. cap.
37. [Op., p. 30. B.] And in another
place, speaking of the rebellions raised
by Cassius, Niger, and Albinus, he
notes, that none of their confederates
were Christians. " Nunquam Albini-
ani, nee Nigriani, vel Cassiani, inve-
niri potuerunt Christiani ;" and then
adds : " Christianus nullius est hostis,
nedum imperatoris," &c. Tert. ad
Seapulam, cap. ii. 2. [Op., p. 69. B.]
Constantius the Arian emperor lay
heavy upon the orthodox Christians :
and when it was suggested unto him,
that Athanasius and other Catholics
had secretly stirred up Magnentius to
invade the empire ; the holy Father
having fully confuted the calumny,
concludes thus : Kparetrd) f) a\-f)6eia
Trapa ao\, Kul /u,^ dcpys vir6voia.v Kara
s roiavra
T&V X/ncr-
aiv, Kal juaAtcTTa TGOV e /no" /COTTON.
S. Athanas. Apolog. ad Constantium.
Edit. Gr. Lat. p. 681. [Op., torn. i.
p. 302. Paris. 1698.] The like faithful
subjects the Christians showed them
selves to Julian the Apostate, when
he used them very sourly. And though
they would not obey him, when he
commanded them to worship idols,
yet in other things they did, and
rebelled not. S. Aug. in Psal. cxxiv.
[Op., torn. iv. col. 2019. B. C.] Nor
did they forbear, either for want of
strength or opportunity: for when
Julian died, the whole army cried
out, " We are all Christians." [T6r* 8e
( loyAiowos) ets rd
O @ia 8e
/3acnAei;etz> avdpo&ircav fAXrjvt^eiv irpnai.-
povfjiivaiv, avrtis &v XpKTTiuvos us ovu
<p<avri Koivp TTOLVTCOV eyivfTO, 6jj.o\oyovaa.
Kal avrovs eli/at Xpianavovs, 6ex 6TCU
rr\v /Sao-tAetaz/ ] Soc. lib. iii. Hist.
Eccles. cap. 22. [p. 199. Cant. 1720.]
And so St. Ambrose to Valentinian
the younger : " Against your forces,
my weapons are prayers and tears ;"
"Aliter nee debeo nee possum re-
sistere," &c. S. Amb. in Orat. Col-
locat. inter Epistolas xxxii. et xxxiii.
[Serm. contr. Auxentium, 2. Op.,
torn. ii. col. 864. B.] "Non ego me
vallabo [leg. vallabor] circumfusione
populorum," &c. [Epist. xx. 8. ibid.
col. 854.] (which, as the case stood then
with him, he was able to do ;) " Roga-
mus, Auguste, non pugnamus." [Ibid.
15.] The like for defensive arms :
" Inde est enim, quod nemo nostrum,
quando apprehenditur, reluctatur, nee
adversus injustam violentiam vestram,
quamvis niraius et copiosus noster sit
populus, ulciscitur." Cyprian. Epi-
stola ad Demetrianum. [Op., p. 192.
368 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
of their obedience ; and that too, not out of any want of
power, but will, to hurt. And if the doctrine of other Re
formed Churches be contrary to this l , they shall do well to
show it ; and then I ll give such further answer as is fit.
But if the Canon be contrary to the judgment of sound 13
politics; I know not which they call sound 2 / For if you
mean such as are of their feather, I think their judgments
are alike sound ; that is, neither. And if they mean learned
and well experienced politics, I believe they will be able to
show none of their opinion ; unless they be such as have been
bred up either in their faction, or in the opposite at Rome.
For Bodin d is clear, that arms may not be taken up against
the prince, be he never so impious and wicked ; and instances
in Saul and Nebuchadnezzar. And Grotius e doth not only
say as much as Bodin, but censures them which hold the
contrary, to be men { which serve time and place/ more than
truth. Nor is it any whit more lawful for inferior magis
trates to make this resistance against the King, than it is for
private men. And this is universally true, ( where the
princes are free, and have not undertaken the government,
under that or the like condition ; or being free, seek with a
hostile mind to ruin their people, which is scarce possible V
1 [ Now, that the primitive Christians (p. 367) . . . contrary to this, on
opposite page. The passage originally ran, And if the doctrine of the Ee-
formed Churches be contrary, they ]
2 [< which . . . sound. Originally written, which of them you call sound. ]
Oxon. 1683.] " Quum tarn nefanda cap. 5, p. 210 et 212. [Paris. 1586.]
perpetimur, ne verbo quidem relucta- e " Temporibus et locis minium
mur ; sed Deo remittimus ultionem." servientes, &c. Nee hoc locum ha-
Lactant. lib. v. Divin. Instit. cap. 21. bet in privatis tantum, scd nee magis-
[tom. i. p. 417. Lut. Par. 1748.] tratibus inferioribus hoc licet," &c.
" Neque tune civitas Christi, quan- Grotius, lib. i. de Jure Belli et Pacis,
quam . . . haberet tarn magnorum ag- cap. 4, n. 6. [The substance of thepas-
mina populorum, ad versus impios per- sage only is given ; p. 102. Paris. 1625.]
secutores . . . pro temporal! salute f Ibid. n. 8 14. [The principal
pugnavit. Sed potius, ut obtineret passages referred to are the following,
geternam, non repugnavit." S. Aug. which speak of cases in which resist-
lib. xxii. de Civitat. Dei, cap. 6. [Op., ance is allowable: "Quiprincipessub
torn. vii. col. 1055. C.] populo sunt, sive ab initio talem acce-
d " Nee singulis civibus, nee uni- perunt potestatem, sive postea ita con-
versis, fas est summi principis vitam, venit, ut Lacedaemone, si peccent in
famam, aut fortunas in discrimen leges ac rempublicam, non tantum vi
vocare, etsi omnium scelerum, &c. repelli possunt, sed, si opus sit, puniri
Poenis acerbissimis .... statuendum morte." Num. 8. p. 112. " Consistere
est in eos, qui perniciosissimis scriptis simul non possunt voluntus imperandi,
Bubditos in principes armare consue- et voluntas perdendi. Quare qui se
verunt." Bodin. lib. ii. de Eepub. hostem populi totius profitetur, is
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 369
And a great civilian tells us, that lie is properly a rebel, that
resists the emperor or his officers, in things belonging to the
state of the empire %. Some cases he lays down indeed, in
which the pleasure of a prince may not be obeyed, but none,
in which his power is to be resisted 11 /
Nor is it any marvel, that Christians do disallow the
taking up of arms against the prince ; since even the soundest
politics among the Heathen have declared so likewise.
Aristotle was of this opinion, that if the magistrate strike,
yet he is not to be struck again 1 / and Seneca; that men
are to bear the unjust, as well as the just commands of
princes k / And Tacitus, that good emperors are to be
desired, but whatever they be, to be borne with l . And
Plutarch, that it is not lawful to offer any violence to the
person of the king m / And Cicero, that no fores is to be
offered either to a man s parent, or to his country 11 / and
therefore (in his judgment) not to the prince, who is pater
patrite, the father of his country. And the truth is, wherever
the contrary opinion is maintained, the prince can never be
1 safe, nor the government settled. But so soon as a faction
can get a fit head, and gather sufficient strength, all is torn
in pieces, and the prince lost for no considerable error, or
perhaps none at all. For a strong party, once heated, can as
easily make faults, as find them, either in Church or Com
monwealth : and make the King say, as Zedekiah sometimes
did to his potent nobles, Behold, Jeremiah is in your hands ;
1 [All the remainder of this paragraph, originally written on thin paper
pasted at the bottom of the page, is now lost.]
eo ipso abdicat regnum. Sed vix vi- passage can be selected from this
detur id accidere posse in rege mentis epistle. It begins with the statement,
compote." Num. 11. p. 113.] "Errare mihi videntur, qui existi-
s Rebellem proprie et stricte dici, mant philosophise fideliter deditos con-
qui contra imperatorem, vel ejus offi- tumaces esse ac refractarios."]
ciales resistit, in pertinentibus ad sta- l " Boni expetendi, qualescunque
turn imperii, asserit Conradus Lan- tolerandi." Tacitus, lib, iv. Histor.
celot [de Jure publ. Personarum,] lib. [cap. 8.]
i. [ 4.] de Preestantia et Potestate, m "Nee fas nee licitum regiscorpori
Imperat. [sect. 27.] n. 12. [p. 437. manus inferre." [ fls ou Qf^irov oCSe
Francof. 1608.] vevo^iaiJi^vov jScuriAecos (rafyxari ras xe?-
h Greg. Turonens. lib. v. Hist. n. 19. pas irpocr^fpeiv.] Plutarch. inVit. Agi-
[p. 223. Lut. Par. 1699.] dis et Cleomen. [cap. xix. p. 804. Ed.
1 [Et dpx^v ex w " e7raraej/, ov 5e? Francof.]
avTiir\-r]yrivai.~] Aristoteles citat. apud n " Nee patri, nee patrise vim offerri
Grotium, lib. i. de Jure Belli, cap. iv. oportere." [Plato, apud] Cicero, lib. i.
n. 2. [p. 97.] Epist. Fam. epist. ix.
k Seneca, Epist. 73. [No particular
LAUD. VOL. III. B B
370 HISTORY THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
for the king is not he that can do anything against you /
Jerem. xxxviii. l
But whereas they say, it is a doctrine that tends to the
utter slavery and ruin of all states and kingdoms : that will
appear most untrue hy the very letter of the Canon itself ;
which gives way to no ( tyranny/ but expresses only the true
power of a king given by God,, and to be exercised according
to God s law, and the several laws of kingdoms respectively.
And, I hope, there will ever be a real difference found in
Christian kingdoms 2 , between the doctrine that tends to
slavery and ruin/ and that which forbids taking up of arms
against their sovereign ; which is all that this Canon doth.
And in the meantime, I pray God this, not doctrine only,
but practice also, f of taking up arms against the Lord s
anointed, under mere pretence of religion, do not, in a shorter
time, than is feared, bring all to confusion, wherever tis prac
tised. For howsoever it bears a show of liberty, yet this
way of maintaining it is not only dishonourable to kings/
but the ready way to make them study ways of force, and to
use power, whenever they get it, to abridge the liberties of
such over- daring subjects. And in all times it hath sown
the seeds of civil combustions, which have ended in slavery
and f ruin of flourishing kingdoms. And I pray God, these
do not end so in this. But they go on :
And as if this had not been sufficient, he procures p six sub
sidies to be lifted of the Clergy, under pain of deprivation
to all who should refuse.
The giving of the King subsidies is no new thing. The
Clergy have been ever willing to the uttermost of their power ;
but what I and my brethren of the clergy did at this time
therein is before * set down : and I hold it not fit to lengthen
this tract with the needless repetition of anything.
And which is yet more r , and above which malice itself
cannot ascend ; by his means a prayer is framed, printed,
and sent through all the parishes of England, to be said
1 [The whole paragraph from, unless they be (p. 368. lin. 10) ... Jeremiah
xxxviii. on opposite page.] 2 [ in Christian kingdoms, in margin.]
3 [ And I ... go on. in margin.]
Jerem. xxxviii. 5. p. 286.]
P procured Rushw. and Pryn. r worse. Rushw. and Pryn.
4 Page 9. [of orig. MS. See above,
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 371
in all churches in time of Divine Service, next after the
Prayer for the Queen and Royal Progeny, against our
nation by name, as traitorous subjects, having cast off all
obedience to our anointed sovereign, and coming in a
rebellious manner to invade England; that shame may
cover our faces, as enemies to God and the King.
We are now come to the last part of their Charge ; and
that s the prayer, which was made to be sent and used in all
churches when the Scots came into England 8 . But this
prayer was made not l by my means, or procurement, but by
his Majesty s special command to me to see it done. And it
hath been ever usual in England, upon great and urgent
occasions, to have one or more prayers made by some bishop
or bishops, nearest hand, to fit the present business. And
this may appear by divers forms and prayers so made, and
publicly used in all times since the Reformation. And since
this prayer was made by his Majesty s own command, I am
sorry they should say of it, that malice itself cannot ascend
above it. Though I persuade myself they thought to hit me,
not him in this speech.
(45) Now, what, I pray, is that, above which malice itself
cannot ascend ? Why, first it is, that they were called in
that prayer, traitorous subjects, which had cast off all
obedience to their anointed sovereign. Why, but truth
spake this, not malice. For traitorous subjects they were
then, if ever a king had any ; and the King s proclamation
called them so before that prayer came forth. And what
title soever it is fit to give them now, since his Majesty hath
been graciously pleased to treat with them, and pass by their
offence, that s another thing; but as the case stood then,
they had shaken off all obedience, and were, as they were
then called, traitorous subjects. And I had a special charge
from the King not to spare that name.
Secondly, they except against this, that tis there said,
1 that they came in a rebellious manner to invade this king
dom. And that is most true too ; for whereas they said,
they came in a peaceable manner to deliver their petitions to
the King, for the liberty of their religion and laws : is it a
peaceable way to come two or three and twenty thousand
s [See above, p. 106.]
B B 2
372 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
men strong, and armed, to deliver a petition ? Let the whole
world judge, whether this were not a ( rebellious invasion/
Thirdly, they say tis desired in the prayer, that God
would with shame cover the faces of His, and the King s
enemies/ Out of doubt, this petition proceeds from devo
tion, not from malice/ And if the Scots (when they in
vaded England, upon a treacherous plot, arid conjuncture *
with the like faction here, that so both might have their
ends against the King and the Church) were not God s
enemies, and the King s/ the prayer meddles not with
them ; if they were (as for my part I must believe, if I judge
by their actions), they deserve all that can be prayed against
them, so long as they continue in that disobedience. And
yet the prayer was not (as tis said) against their nation
by name : no, God forbid ; their nation hath, I doubt not,
very many devout servants to God, and loyal subjects to their
King. But it was against that prevailing faction among
them/ which in that great rebellious action became enemies
both to God and the King. Now follows the conclusion l .
Whosoever will u impartially examine what hath proceeded
from himself in these two books of Canons and Common
Prayer ; what doctrine hath been published and printed
these years past x in England, by his disciples and emissa
ries ; what gross popery in the most material points we
have found 2 in the posthume writings of the prelates of
Edinburgh and Dunblaine, his own creatures, his nearest 1
familiars, and most willing instruments to advance his
counsels and projects ; shall perceive that his intentions
were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks, and
reformation of religion, which in his Majesty s dominions
was panting, and had by this time 3 rendered up the
ghost, if God had not in a wonderful way of mercy
prevented us * .
The conclusion is like the rest ; much said in it, and
1 [After conclusion. originally added, and erased ; in which I shall
answer truly to such passages (if any such be in it) as are there, and not
spoken to before. ]
2 [ and are ready to show here added by H. Wharton, but not in MS.]
3 [ and had by this time in marg.]
1 conjunction * by-past Rushw. and Pryn.
u shall Rusliw. and Pryn. x it. Rushw.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 373
nothing proved. Where first I desire no favour, but an
impartial examination of a discreet, pious, and judicious
reader, of all things done by me in the one book or the
other. Next, for the doctrine which hath been printed these
years past/ (though little or none hath been published by
any disciple or emissary of mine/) I persuade myself the
intelligent and impartial reader will find it to be as sound
and orthodox, as any that hath been printed in any so many
years since the Reformation. And if they, whom I was
necessarily to trust in that business, have slipped anything,
they are subject to answer the laws in that behalf. Thirdly,
what gross Popery they have found in the posthume writings
of the prelates of Edinburgh (46) and Dunblaine/ I know not.
This I know ; tis an easy, but a base thing, to abuse the
dead, who cannot answer for themselves : and they which
are so over-bold with the living, may easily and justly enough
be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the grave.
But whereas it is said, that these l worthy men (for such
they were) were my creatures, my nearest familiars, my
willing instruments/ and the like : this I do here avow for
truth ; I was a mere stranger to Dr. Forbys z , late prelate of
Edinburgh. The first time that ever I saw him, was when
I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of
blessed memory, in the year 1617 a . At which time I heard
him preach very learnedly before his Majesty. After that
time I never saw him, till I attended his Majesty that now
is, as Dean of his Chapel, into Scotland, in the year 1633 b .
In the meantime I had contracted no friendship ; no letters
had passed between us. Then he preached again very learn
edly, and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edin
burgh ; which was done accordingly ; and to my remembrance,
he lived not above a year after, or very little more 1 c . And this
was all the near familiarity that was between him and me.
With the Bp. of Dunblaine, Dr.Wedderborne, I confess
I had more, and longer acquaintance ; for he lived some years
1 [ or very little more. in margin.]
Forbes. only three mouths after his appoiut-
[See Diary, above, p. 135.] ment to the Bishopric. (Biog. Brit.
[See Diary, above, pp. 216. scq.] App. p. 62.)]
[Bp. Forbes died April 1,
374 HISTORY OP THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
in England, and was recommended unto me, as a man that
had very good parts and learning in him. He lived long
with Mr. Isaac Casaubon d , who was not like to teach him any
Popery, and who certainly would not have retained him so
long, or so near nnto him, had he not found him a deserver.
After I came acquainted with him, I wished him very well
for his worth sake, and did what I could for him to enable
him to live e . But sure if my intentions were so deep/ as
they are after said to be, he could be no fit instrument for
me ; he being a mere scholar, and a book-man, and as unfit ]
for, as unacquainted with, such counsels and projects } as
these men would make me author of. And if my intentions
were so deep/ out of doubt I had brains enough to make a
wiser choice of instruments to advance them.
This for the men. But for the matter, if any posthume
papers of theirs be other than they ought, their credit must
answer for them to the world, as their conscience hath already
done to God. And for my own part, I protest I do not, nor
ever did, know of any such papers which they had, or left
behind ; nor do I believe they left any behind them, but such
as were worthy their learning and integrity.
But my intentions/ they say, were deep and large against
all the reformed Kirks/ Surely the deeper/ the worse, if
they were so ill. But as I cannot be so vain, to assume to
myself any such depth ; so I humbly thank God for it, I am
free from all such wickedness. The worst thought I had of
any reformed Church in Christendom, was to wish it like the
Church of England ; and so much better, as it should please
God to make it. And the deepest intention I had con
cerning all or any of them, was how they might not only be
wished, but made so : as for f the reformation of religion in
his Majesty s dominions, which/ they say, was panting, and
had given up the ghost, if God had not in a wonderful way
of mercy prevented them : first, this is, under favour, most
untrue, and a base and most undeserved scandal put upon
d [He is mentioned by Casaubon in 163f. (Rymer, VIII. ii. 165;) and of
a letter to Abp. Spotswood, only that Mildenhall, Suffolk, Sept. 12, 1628.
the name is misspelt Olderburnus. (Ibid. iii. 28.) He was also Preb. of
See Casaub. Epist. dccccix. p. 542.] Whitchurch, in Wells Cathedral.
e [Wedderburne was Preb. of Ely (Wood, F. 0. ii. 93.) On his ejection
in 1626. (Le Neve, Fasti, p. 77;) from the See of Dunblane, he obtained
Hector of Compton, Hants, Feb. 16, a benefice in England. (Ibid.)]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 375
his Majesty s government. Secondly, I shall take leave to
prophesy, that unless after all this tumbling the people can
be content, that all stand for matters of religion, both doc
trine and discipline (and that rather with addition to the
Church s power, than detracting from it), as they then did,
when these men say the Reformation was panting, and
giving up the ghost / I much doubt, that neither they l , nor
their children s children after, shall see such happy days
agan for all thiings, as these were, which they so unthank-
fully to God and their King, murmured against, and as these
men yet snarl at. And for the spirit which prevented
them in this action, in such a wonderful way of mercy/ if
ever they awake out of this lethargy (for better it is not) they
will then see whence he is, and whither he tends. They add
to this
(47) That if the Pope himself had been in his place, he could
not have been more popish ; nor could he more zealously
have negotiated for Rome against the reformed Kirks, to
reduce them to the heresies in doctrine, the superstition f
and idolatry in worship, and the tyranny in government,
which are in that See, and for which the reformed Kirks
did separate from it, and came forth of Babel. From him
certainly hath issued all this deluge, which almost hath
overturned all.
What, not the Pope himself ? now surely he could do
little then. For (as I told you in the very last passage) I
never intended more to the reformed Churches, than to wish
them, in doctrine and discipline, like the Church of England.
35 And I hope, that was neither to negotiate for Rome/ nor
to reduce them to heresy in doctrine, nor to superstition
and idolatry in worship/ no, nor to tyranny in government.
All which are here most wrongfully imputed to me. And
this comparing of me with the Pope himself/ I could bear
with more ease, had I not written more against popish super
stition, than any presbyter in Scotland hath done. And for
my part I would be contented to lay down my life to-morrow,
upon condition the Pope and Church of Rome would admit
1 [ I much doubt, that neither in margin.]
{ superstitions, Kushw. and 1 ryn.
376 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
and confirm that Service-book, which hath been here so
eagerly charged against me : for were that done, it would
give a greater blow to Popery, which is but the corruption of
the Church of Rome, than any hath yet been given : and that
they know full well. And whereas they say, that for these
things the reformed Churches did separate from it, and came
forth of Babel : that is true, that they did separate; and
for these things ; but not till, for the maintaining of the
contrary to these things, they were excommunicated and
thrust out. Then indeed they separated, but not till they
were forced by a double necessity ; of truth, from which
they might not depart; and of that punishment, which
would not suffer them to enter. And yet the reformed
Churches/ all and every of them, had need look well to
themselves : for if they came out of Babel to run down into
Egypt, they ll get little by the bargain l . Now they end in
confidence :
We are therefore confident that your Lps. (this they speak
to the English Commissioners, who were to deliver this
their charge against me into the Lords House) will by
your means deal effectually [with the Parliament^, that
this great firebrand may be presently removed from his
Majesty s presence ; and that he may be put to trial, and
have ]l his deserved censure, according to the laws of the
kingdom : which shall be good service to God, honour to
the King and Parliament, terror to the ivicked, and
comfort to all good men; and to us in special, who, by his
means principally, have been put to so many and grievous
afflictions, wherein we had perished, if God had not been
with us.
Ad. Blayer, who was Register, or Secretary,
to the Scotch Commissioners.
Decemb. 14, 1640.
They were, and they might well be, confident upon their
Lordships ; for all, or some chief of that committee, were in
league with them; and some of them the principal men,
1 [ And whereas . . . the bargain. on opposite page.]
8 Dcsunt ista in Kushw. fc < pu t to Kushw. and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 377
which brought the Scots in, to have their ends upon the
King. And they did deal effectually with the Parliament ;
for (as appears by the date) this charge was delivered to the ^
English Commissioners Decernb. 14. It was read in the 14, 1640.
Upper House, and transmitted to the House of Commons ;
and such haste made of it there, that they, though they had
no articles drawn, yet came up in haste, and accused me to
the Lords of high treason, desiring my commitment, and
36 promising the bringing up of their articles and proof against
me in convenient time. So, upon this accusation only, j) ecem ^
I was, upon Decemb. 18, committed to Mr. James Maxwell, 18, 1640.
the officer of the House, and so removed from his Majesty s
presence/ which was the great aim against me. For they
conceived I would speak my conscience, if I came near him ;
and they could not, with any colour of justice, take me from
him, but by an accusation of high treason, of which I would
not for all the world be as guilty as some of them are l which
accused me.
This was their desire for my commitment. Their next
desire was, that I might be brought to trial, and receive my
censure according to the laws. And this hath been, and yet
is, my desire as well as theirs. For I long for nothing
more than a trial; and I can fear no censure (48) that is
according to law ; and am as free from the breach of any
law, that can make me guilty of treason, as I was when my
mother bare me into the world. And when I was thus far
on upon my answer, I had remained at Mr. Maxwell s and in
the Tower eleven months (so many it was when I writ this) 2 .
But before I came to niy hearing I had been thirteen months
in prison, and neither brought to trial, no, nor so much as
a particular charge brought up against me, that I might
prepare for an answer, in so heavy a business. And I am
somewhat further of my accusers mind, that to bring me to
a just trial according to law, would be good service to God,
honour to the King and the Parliament, who cannot but
suffer in the judgment of moderate men for laying a man of
my place and calling so long in prison, (a thing without all
1 [ of them are in marg. Originally, some are that accused me. ]
2 [He first wrote, at Mr. Maxwell s and in the Tower above eleven mo.*
To which a note was appended, So many it was when I wrote this; but before
I came to my hearing, it was thirteen months in prison. ]
378 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
precedent,) and yet charging me with no particular. Kay,
and I think, in a good sense too, it would be ( a terror to the
wicked to see an innocent man brought to such a trial. Yea,
and yet f a comfort to all good men 3 too, when they see that
an innocent man shall not be let lie and languish to death in
prison, (which may be my case, for aught I see,) but that in
some time they may hope for trial; yea, and to them, the
Scots 1 , in special. For this bold and most true word I ll
speak : the Scottish nation in general, the city of Edinburgh
in special, and very many particular men 2 of good worth,
and some men of honour, besides clergymen of all sorts,
during the time I had interest in court, have been more
beholding to me, than to any ten English subjects, of what
rank and condition soever : and this his Majesty knows, and,
I dare say, will witness 3 . And for their present afflictions
which they speak of, the current of this discourse will show
to the indifferent reader, what a principal means I have been
of them. In the mean time, I little deserved from them the
name of this great firebrand; for many of them have
warmed themselves at me, but yet I never fired any of them.
Nor can I make any doubt, but that God * will deliver me out
of the midst of this fire 1 / which He knows I kindled not.
Howsoever 4 , let them take heed, for as sure as they now
make themselves in the conjuncture 11 of a great party, in
which one wave seconds and keeps up another, yet though
these waves of the sea are mighty, and rage horribly, the
Lord that dwelleth on high is mightier. And under Him
I rest, and I hope shall, till their waves be broken against
some rock or other 5 V
the Scots, in marg.] 2 [ particular men on opp. page.]
and this . . . witness. in marg.]
Nor can . , . Howsoever, on opp. page.]
And under . . . other. in marg.]
Ecclus. li. 4. k conjunction. Psal. xciii. 5.
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 379
37 CAP. IV.
Now follows Adam Blair the second a , with a codicil or
a corollary to this charge. And this, though it concerns my
brethren the bishops as much as me, yet because it charges
upon the calling, and was delivered in with the charge against
me, though under another date of December 1 5, I shall Decemb.
express what I think of that too. For I think the Scotch 15 > 1640t
Commissioners : took another day in, upon advice, that they
might have a fling at the whole calling. And I cannot but
think it was upon design among them, when I consider, how
eagerly the House of Commons hath followed episcopacy
ever since. This codicil to their last will and testament
concerning me begins thus :
We do indeed confess, that the prelates of England have
been of very different humours, some of them of a more
hot, and others of them men of a moderate temper ; some
of them more, and some less inclinable to Popery ; yet
what known truth and constant experience hath made
undeniable, we must at this opportunity express b .
And so must we ; for we as ingenuously confess, that the
presbyters of Scotland have been of very different humours ;
some of them of a more hot, and others of them men of a
moderate temper. And the more moderate for temper, and
the more able for learning among them, have ever declared
for the episcopacy of England. But whereas they say, some
of the bishops of England are more, and some less inclinable
to Popery/ that may seem to imply, that all of them are more
or less inclinable to Popery, which I dare say is a loud
untruth. Perhaps that which some of them call Popery is
1 [ the Scotch Commissioners in marg. Orig. they ]
a [Sancroft suggests it should be Blair for the second time.]
Secretary. It means, probably, Adam b profess. Rushw. and Pryn.
380 HISTORY OP THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
orthodox Christianity, and not one whit the worse for their
miscalling it, (49) though they much the worse for dis
believing it. But now you shall hear what that known
truth is, which constant experience/ they say, hath made
undeniable/
That from the first time of the Reformation of the Kirk of
Scotland, not only after the coming of King James of
happy memory into England, but before, the prelates of
England have been by all means incessantly working the
overthrow of our discipline and government.
A little change in the words answers this. For from the
very first of the Reformation of the Church of England, as
well before, as after, the coming in of King James of happy
memory, the presbyters of Scotland have been by all means
incessantly working the overthrow of episcopacy, our disci
pline and government : as appears most manifestly in Arch
bishop Bancroft s works 6 . So then, either this is a loud
untruth, if our prelates did not so practise against them ; or, 1
if it be truth, our bishops had altogether as much reason (if
not more, the justice of the cause considered) to work the
overthrow of their discipline, than they had of episcopacy.
But they tell us :
It hath come to pass of late, that the prelates of England
having prevailed and brought [US ] to subjection in point
of government, and finding their long-waited-for opportu
nity, and a rare congruity of many spirits and powers
ready to cooperate for their ends, have made a strong
assault upon the whole external worship and doctrine of
our Kirk.
Surely for their doctrine, tis too large a field to beat over at
this time. Yet many doctrines are on foot amongst them, which
are fitter to be weighed than swallowed, would they permit
them to be brought to the sanctuary and balanced there. And
for the whole external worship which they speak of, I have
c The Scottish Genevating. [See Scottish Genevating for Discipline.
Bancroft s Dangerous Positions and Pp. 9 33. Lond. 1583.J The Survey
Proceedings. The heading of book i. of the Discipline, [i. e. A Survay of
chap. 2. seq. is, Scottish Genevating the pretended Holy Discipline. Lond.
for Reformation/ and of chap. 6. ,seq. 1593.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 381
heard it said they have none at all ; and out of doubt, tis
very little they have, if any. And therefore, if the prelates
of England had gotten an opportunity, and a congruity of
spirits and powers to cooperate/ (which yet is not so,) they
had been much to blame, if they had not pursued it till they
had brought both the one and the other to a better condition
than they stand in at present. And if they had such an
opportunity, they were much to blame that deserted it ; and
if they had not, these men are unworthy for asserting it.
But what end had the prelates of England in this ? Why
sure,
By this their doing they did not aim to make us conform to
England, but to make Scotland first (whose weakness in
resisting they had before experienced in novations of
government, and of some points of worship), and there
fore d England, conform to Rome, even in those matters
wherein England had separated from Rome, ever since
the time of Reformation.
These men out of doubt have, or take on them to have,
a great insight into the hearts and souls of the prelates of
England. They know that we did not aim to make them
conformable to England, but to make Scotland first, and
then England, conformable to Rome/ But I know the con
trary; and will leave the book itself to be judged by the
learned in all parts of Christendom, (for it is carefully trans
lated into Latin,) whether it teach or practise conformity
with Rome or not ; which trial is far beyond their unlearned
and uncharitable assertion e . And if any other of my brethren
have had this aim, they should do well to name them. But
they are so void of charity, that they cannot forbear to say,
that we aim to make them conformable to Rome, even in
those things wherein England had separated from Rome, ever
since the Reformation / which is so monstrous an untruth,
that I wonder how impudence itself dare utter it, considering
what the bishops of England have written in defence of their
Reformation against Rome, and how far beyond anything
which the presbyters of Scotland have written against it.
d thereafter Pryn and Rushw. e skill.
382 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
As for the reason which is given, why we began with
Scotland, namely, (50) ( because we had experience of their
weakness in resisting novations of government, and of some
points of worship : I know not what they mean by their
weakness in resisting/ unless it be, that they did not prevail
against King James of blessed memory, (for resist they did
to their power,) when he brought in bishops, (which it seems
they call novations in government/) and the Articles of
Perth, which they style novations in some points of worship/
And if this be that which they mean, there is no novation
in the one or the other. And for their e weakness in resisting/
you may see what it is. For no sooner have they gotten the
opportunity/ which they speak of in the beginning of this
codicil, but they cast out all their bishops ; reversed all the
Articles of Perth ; all the Acts of Parliament, w^hich confirmed
both ; brought back all to the rude draught of Knox and
Buchanan, saving that they made it much worse by admitting
so many lay-elders with votes in their General Assemblies,
as may enable the laymen to make themselves what religion
they please ; a thing which the Church of Christ never knew
in any part of it. Nor have they stayed here, but made use
of the same opportunity to cry down the bishops and
Church- government in England; as you will see by that
which comes next.
An evil, therefore, which hath issued, not so much from the
personal disposition of the prelates themselves, as from the
innate quality and nature of their office, and prelatical
hierarchy, which did bring forth the Pope in ancient
times, and never ceaseth* till it bring* forth Popish doc
trine and worship, ivhere it is once rooted, and the prin
ciples thereof fomented, and constantly followed.
They tell us here, that this conformity with Rome is an
evil that issues not so much from the personal disposition of
the prelates themselves, as from the innate quality and nature
of their office/ Conformity with Rome in any error or
superstition is doubtless an evil ; but that it issues from the
nature of a bishop s office/ cannot be. For that office is to
f ceased Rushw. s brought Ruskw.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 383
preach Christ, and to govern the Church of Christ, according
to His laws. If any bishop break this, tis his personal error,
and most unnatural to his office ; to which if he adhere, he
can neither teach nor practise superstition. Therefore,
certainly, what error soever comes, is from his person, not
his office. And tis great ignorance to call this evil an innate
quality of the office when the office is a thing of institution,
riot of nature, and therefore cannot possible have any innate
quality in it.
But since they will needs have it thus, let us invert it a
little, and see how it will fit them against their King, more
than it can fit the bishops for the Pope. For if we should
say (as perhaps we may too truly) that the dangerous
positions which too many of the Presbyterian faction publicly
maintain, and in print, proceed not so much from the
personal disposition of the Presbyterians themselves, as from
the innate quality and nature of their Presbyteries, and their
antimonarchical party ; I believe it would trouble them to
shape a good answer to it, unless they will admit of that,
which I before have given. But then, if they do this, they
charge themselves with falsehood in that which they lay upon
the Bps office.
Next they tell you, that this prelatical hierarchy did bring
forth the Pope in ancient times. But truly I think they are
thus far deceived : the hierarchy cannot be said to bring
forth the chief parts of itself. Now, the Patriarchs (of which
the Bp. of Rome was one, if not prime in order) were the
principal parts of the hierarchy; therefore the hierarchy *
cannot well be said to bring them forth. But suppose it be
so, that the Pope were brought forth by the bishops ; what
fault is there in it ? For the Pope was good, both nomine et
re, in name and in being, as they were at first. For thirty
of them together were martyrs for Christ 11 ; and the Church
of Rome was famous for her faith over the world in the very
Apostles times. Rom. i. 1 And if either the Popes, or that
* ["Vulgo . . traditur, omnes quot- Vitis Pontif. p. 20. Col. Agr. 1610].
quot deinue fuerunt, episcopos Roma- Vide autem Johannem [Pcarsonum,
nos usque ad Sanctum Sylvestrum Episc.] Cestrens. [de Serie et Succes-
martyrio vitam finia.se, quod (salva sione Primorum Romce Episc.] Dis-
semper veritate) a veteribus historicis sert. i. [cap.] iv. [] 2. [pp. 18, 19.
traditum non repcrio."] Onuphr. in Lond. 1687.] W. IS. A. C.
Platinse Hyginum [apud Platinam de l Rom. i. 8.
384 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
Church, have degenerated since, that is a personal crime, and
not to be imputed to the office. And therefore these men
do very ill, or very ignorantly, to affirm, that .this office (of
episcopacy) (51) never ceases till it bring forth Popish doc
trine and worship/ For in all the time of these thirty Popes,
there was no doctrine brought forth that may justly be ac
counted superstitious, or called Popery/ For the last of
those thirty died in the year [309]. And they cannot be
ignorant that Bishop Jewell k , on the behalf of the Church
of England, challenged the current of the Fathers, for
full six hundred years, to be for it, against Rome, in very
many and main points of Popery. And l therefore I may
well say, there was no Popery in the world, when the thirtieth
Pope died. Well, if this evil do not arise from the hierarchy/
yet it doth
From the antipathy and inconsistence of the two forms of
the ecclesiastical government, which they conceived, and
not without cause, one island, joined 1 also under one head
and monarch, was not able to bear : the one being [the
same^ in all the parts and powers which it was in the
time of Popery, and still is in the Roman Kirk ; the other
being the form of government received, maintained, and
practised by all the Reformed Kirks, wherein, by their own
testimonies and confessions, the Kirk of Scotland had
amongst them no small eminency.
Sure these men have forgotten themselves. For they tell
us immediately before, that this evil of bringing forth Popish
doctrine and worship proceeds from the very office of a
bishop ; and now they add, and 2 < from the antipathy of these
two forms of Church-government/ Doth the bishop s office
produce Popery ? And doth f the antipathy between the
Presbytery and Episcopacy produce Popery too ? So then *
1 [ for full . . . And on opposite page. Originally written, to be for it
against Rome. Therefore ]
2 [< now they add, and in marg.] s [ then in raarg.]
k Jewell s Reply to Dr. Harding, [i.e. at Paul s Cross. Works, pp. 57, 58.]
The Defence of the Apology, especially united Rushw. and Pryn.
pp. 614-617. This challenge was point- ra the same is added from Pryn
edly given in his celebrated Sermon and Rushw.
OP ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 385
belike in these men s judgments, both bishops, and they
which oppose bishops, produce Popery. And if that be
true, Popery must needs increase, that is produced on all
sides.
An evil, then, there is, though perhaps not this, which
issues from that antipathy and inconsistence of these two
forms of ecclesiastical government, which/ they say, w r e
prelates of England conceived, and not without cause, one
island, joined also under one head and monarch, was not able
to bear: 7 and that evil was, as I conceive, the continual jars
and oppositions, which would daily arise among his Majesty s
subjects of both kingdoms, concerning these different forms
of government ; and these would bring forth such heart
burnings and divisions among the people, that the King
might never be secure at home, nor presume upon united
forces against a foreign enemy. And this is evil enough to
any monarch of two divided kingdoms, especially lying so
near in one island. Now, if the bishops of England did
conceive thus, and, as our adversaries here confess, not
without cause/ then certainly, by their own confession, the
prelates of England had reason to use all just endeavours to
remove and take away this inconsistence/ that the form of
the ecclesiastical government might be one, ( in one island,
and under one monarch / that so faction and schism might
cease, which else, when they get opportunity, find a way to
rend the peace of kingdoms, if not kingdoms themselves.
And this island (God of his mercy preserve it !) is at this j a n. 22,
time in great hazard to undergo the fatality of it in a great 1(
measure.
The next is a manifest untruth. For though there be (as
is said) an inconsistence between the Governments, which
makes one island under one king unable to bear both/ in the
different parts of the island, or, at least, unsafe while it bears
them ; yet neither is episcopacy in all the parts and powers
of it, that which it was in time of Popery, and still is in the
Roman Church/ And this is most manifest to any man,
that will but look upon what power the prelates had before,
and what they have since the Statute of the Submission of
the Clergy, in Hen. VIII. time, beside all those statutes
which have since been made in divers particulars, to weaken
LAUD. VOL. III. Q C
386 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
their power. Nor is the other form of government received,
maintained, and practised in all other Reformed Churches ;
unless these men be so strait-laced, as not to admit the
Churches of Sweden, and Denmark, and, indeed, all or most
of the Lutherans, to be Reformed Churches. For in Sweden,
they retain both the thing and the name ; and the governors
of their Churches are, and are called, bishops. And among
the other Lutherans the thing is retained n , though not the
name. For instead of bishops, they are called superin
tendents, and instead of archbishops, general superintendents.
And yet even here, too, these names differ more in sound
than in sense. For bishop is the same in Greek, that
superintendent is in Latin. Nor is this change very well
liked by the learned. Howsoever, Luther, since he would
change the name, did yet very wisely, that he would leave
the thing, and make choice of such a name, as was not alto
gether unknown to the ancient Church. For St. Aug. 1
mentions it as plainly and as fully as any of these . As for
the eminency which (they say) their Kirk of Scotland
had amongst them/ I envy it not ; but God bless it so that
it may (52) deserve eminence, and have it. And now we are
come to the close of all, in which their desire is expressed.
This also we represent to your Lordships most serious con
sideration : that not only the firebrands may be removed,
but the fire may be provided against, that there be no
more combustion? afterwards.
Decemb. 15, 1640. Ad. Slayer.
1 [ For in Sweden . . . these. on opposite page.] 2 [ but in marg.]
n " Compertum habens (Lutherus) Zanchius de Relig. Observat. c. 25.
rem sine Ecclesiae pernicie abrogari [de Eccl. Milit. Gubernat.] n. 10, 11.
non posse, quod unura potuit nomen [Op., torn. viii. col. 545.1605.] Jacob,
sustulit, expunctoque [leg. inductoque Haerbrand,Lutheranus, in Locis Com
et expuncto] puriore vocabulo Graeco mun. p. 699; saving that he dislikes
parum Latinum supposuit ; pro epi- not the alteration of the name,
scopis superintendences, pro archiepi- S. Aug. lib. xix. de Civ. Dei, c. 19.
scopis generates superintendentes ap- EinaKOTre iv Latine superintendere pos-
pellans." Tilenus Paraenes. ad Scotos, sumus dicere; quod ille, qui preeficitur,
c. 6. [p. 21. Lond. 1620.] And he well eis, quibus prseficitur, superintendit,
knew the state of his neighbour curam eorurn sc. gerens. [Op., torn. vii.
churches. col. 905. C.D. The two clauses of
Saravia similiter, Praefat. L. de di- the sentence are here transposed.]
versis Ministrorum Evangelii Gradi- p * recombustion after this/ Rushw.
bus. [Sign. A. 2. rect. Lond. 1590.] and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 387
Their request is, that not only the bishops, whom they are
pleased to call the firebrands/ (which, indeed, themselves
and their adherents are,) but the office, or Episcopacy itself,
(which they call the fire/) may be provided against, that
there may be no combustion after/ This I as heartily wish
as any man can ; but see as little cause to hope for. For
what hope can there be against after -combustion/ while
the fire/ which they themselves have kindled, while they call
other men incendiaries, burns on still, and is like to fasten
upon the very 1 foundations, to the eating of them out ?
Yet I desire here, that the justice and the indifferency of
these men may be well considered, and that in two things.
The one, in the cause itself; for Episcopacy is settled by
law here ; nay, it is many ways woven into the laws and
customs of this realm. And their great complaint is, that
their Presbyteries (which they say are established by their
law) were offered to be suppressed. So they are angry
their Presbyteries should be touched against their law ;
but Episcopacy must be destroyed, though it be never so
much against our law. The other piece of their justice is
personal to me. For here, at one and the same time, and in
this one and the same charge, they do by consequences lay
load on me, as if I had invaded their laws ; while they invade
ours avowedly, and dare present this their invasion, as well
as that by arms, in full and open Parliament of England 2 , to
have their will in the one, and their reward for the other.
Now, if these two forms of ecclesiastical government, by
Episcopacy and by Presbyteries, be inconsistent under one
monarch, (as they themselves here confess,) then I (were
I at liberty) would humbly beseech the Lords to consider,
first, whether these men have any show or colour of justice
in this their demand ? Secondly, whether that form of
Church-government, which hath come down from the Apostles,
continued to this day, is established by the laws and usage of
this kingdom ever since it was Christian, be not fitter for
them to embrace and settle, than that form which is but of
yesterday, and hath no acquaintance at all with our laws, nor
is agreeable with monarchy ? And lastly, when the bishops
1 [ very in marg.]
2 [Originally, dare present it in full and open Parliament, ]
CC2
388 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
are taken away, and a parity (the mother of confusion) made
in the Church, and their lands sacrilegiously made a prey
(which I have long feared is not the least aim of too many),
whether then the temporal lords shall not follow after ? and
whether their honour will not then soon appear too great,
and their means too full, till l a Lex Ayr aria will pass upon
them, and lay them level with them, whom some of them 1
favour too much ? And when these things are considered,
God bless them, whom it most concerns, to lay it to heart
betimes, if time be not slipped already.
Here (having answered to all which the Scots have laid in
against me) I would have the Scotch Service inserted and
printed. The book lies by me, very exactly translated into
Latin ; and so I hope this tract shall be 2 .
1 [ till in marg. Originally and ]
2 [ Here . . . be. on opposite page.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 389
144 CAP. V.
AND now, having answered (and, I hope, sufficiently) to all
the particulars in the charge of the Scots against me, I must
return to the history again, as I left it a ; where I told you
the House of Commons were very angry with the late Canons,
and joining this accusation of the Scots to such articles
as they in their committee had framed against me, upon
Decemb. 18, 164<0, they accused me of high treason (as is
before expressed b ), and I was committed to custody to Mr.
James Maxwell, the officer of the Upper House.
When they had lodged me here, I was followed with sharp
ness in both Houses, upon all occasions of any complaint
made against the proceedings at Council- table, Star-chamber,
High Commission, or any place or thing in which I had
aught to do c . Nothing omitted by some cunning agents, which
might increase the rage and hatred of the people against me.
The chief instruments herein were the Brownists, and they
which adhered unto (53) them ; who were highly offended
with me because I hindered and punished (as by law 1 I might)
their conventicles and separation from the Church of Eng
land. And though I pitied them, as God knows, from my
very heart, yet because necessity of government forced me to
some punishment, their malignity never gave me over.
Among, and above the rest, there were three men d , Mr.
Henry 2 Burton, a minister beneficed in Friday-street,
London ; Dr. John 3 Bast wick, a physician ; and Mr. William 4
1 [ as by law originally written as i.nch as by law ]
2 [ Henry interlined.] 3 [ John interlined.]
4 [ William interlined. f i he name spelled Prin. ]
a P. 13 [of original MS. See above, 194, &c. 207, 235, &c. 282, &c.
p. 297.] d Ste the petitions of these three
b P. 1 [of original MS. See above, men, presented to the House of Com-
p. 275.] mons against the Archbishop, apud
c See Kushw. par. iii. vol. ii. pp. 135, Rush worth, par. iii. vol. i. p. 74, &c.
152154, 174, 183, 184, 187, 193,
390 HISTOIIY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
Pryn, a common lawyer; who 1 were censured Junii 14, 1637,
in the Star-chamber, for notorious libels printed and pub
lished by them against the hierarchy of the Church. They
were then and there sentenced to stand in the pillory, and
lose their ears; and because they should not stay further
to infect London, they were sent away by order of that
Court ; Mr. Burton to Guernsey, Dr. Bastwick to Scilly, and
Mr. Pryn to Jersey. In the giving of this sentence, I spake
my conscience, and was after commanded to print my speech 6 .
But I gave no vote, because they had fallen in many passages
so personally upon me, that I doubted many men might
think 2 spleen, and not justice, led me to it. Nor was it my
counsel that advised their sending into those remote parts.
The Brownists and the preciser part of the kingdom were
nettled at this; and the anger turned upon me, though I
were the patient all along. For they had published most
venomous libels against me ; arid 1 did but show such as
came to my hands to the state, and there left them to do
what they pleased in it. But that for which they were sen
tenced, was a book written by Mr. Burton, and printed and
sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council f ; and a Litany 3 ,
and other scandalous things 4 , scattered and avowed by Dr.
Bastwick; and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he
was thought to deserve less favour than the rest, because he
had been censured before in that great Court for gross abuses
of the Queen s gracious Majesty and the government, in his
book intituled { Histriomastix %.
This censure being past upon these men, though I did no 1
more than is before mentioned, yet they and that faction
1 who interlined.]
2 think originally written might fear things ]
3 and a Litany/ originally written, and Dr. Bastwick had published a
Litany, ]
4 [Originally written, things then in court, ]
e [This speech will be printed in houses. 1633 (ie. 1632, according
vol. vi., where an account will be given to the printers rule of beginning
of the writings and proceedings of the year at Michaelmas. See marg.
these three persons.] note in Biogr. Brit. Append, p. 145).
f [It was entitled, A Letter to the Prynne, after remaining in prison
true-hearted Nobility. ] from Feb. 2, 163f , to Feb. 11, 163f ,
s [The title of the book is, Histrio- was sentenced to a fine of 5,000?., to be
mastix, the Players Scourge, &c., placed in the pillory, and to be im-
against the intolerable Mischief and prisoned during life.]
Abuses of Common Players and Play-
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 391
continued all manner of malice against me ; and I had libel
upon libel, scattered in the streets and pasted upon posts.
And upon Friday, Julii 7, 1637, a note was brought to me of
a short libel, pasted on the cross in Cheapside, that the Arch-
Wolf of Canterbury had his hand in persecuting the saints,
and shedding the blood of the martyrs. Now, what kind of
saints and martyrs these were, may appear by their libellous
writings, courses with which saints and martyrs were never
acquainted. And most certain it is, that, howsoever the times
went then or go now, yet in Queen Elizabeth s time Penry h
was hanged, and Tidal 1 condemned and died in prison, for less
than is contained in Mr. Burton s book, as will be evident to
any man that compares their writings together. And these
saints would have lost their lives, had they done that against
any other state Christian, which they did against this. And
I have yet one of the desperatest libels k by me 1 that hath
ordinarily been seen, which was sealed up in form of a letter,
and sent to me by Mr. Pryn, with his name to it 2 ; and but
that it is exceeding long, and from the present business,
I would here have inserted it.
To return, then. The faction of the Brownists, and these
three saints, with their adherents, (for they were now set at
liberty by the House of Commons, and brought into London
in great triumph,) filled the press almost daily with ballads
and libels, full of all manner of scurrility, and more untruth,
both against my person and my calling 3 . These were cried
about London streets, and brought (many of them) to West
minster, and given into divers lords hands, and into the
hands of the gentlemen of the House of Commons ; and yet
no order taken by either House to suppress the printing of
such known and shameless lies as most of them contained ;
a thing which many sober men found much fault withal, and
which, I believe, hath hardly been seen or suffered in any
civil commonwealth, Christian or other. But when I saw
the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own honour,
1 [ by me in marg.] [ to it interlined.]
3 [ both . . . calling. in marg.]
h [See Collier s Eccl, Hist. vol. ii. ness of law, having the author s name
p. 638.] set to it; but it is called a libel for
! [Ibid. p. 622.] the scurrilous and foul language of it.
k It was no libel, indeed, in strict- H. W.
392 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
to suffer these base and barbarous courses against an inno
cent man, and as then not so much as charged in general,
I thought fit to arm myself with patience, and endure that
which I could not help. And by God s blessing I did so,
though it grieved (54) me much more for my calling, than for
my person. And this spreading of libellous, base pamphlets
Jan. 26, continues to this day without control ; and how long it will
continue to the shame of the nation, I cannot tell.
While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell, I found I was,
by the course of the House, to pay in fees for my diet and
custody, twenty nobles a- day. This grew very heavy. For I
was stayed there full ten weeks, before so much as any general
charge was brought up by the House of Commons against
Dec. 21, me, which in that time came to four hundred sixty-six
pounds, thirteen shillings, and fourpence ; and Mr. Maxwell
had it all, without any abatement 2 . In the meantime, on
Monday, Decemb. 21, upon a petition of Sir Robert Howard, 14<
I was condemned to pay five hundred pounds unto him for
false imprisonment. And the Lords 3 order was so strict l ,
that I was commanded to pay him the money presently, or
give security to pay it in a very short time m . I paid it, to
satisfy the command of the House ; but was not therein so
well advised as I might have been, being committed for
treason.
Now, the cause of Sir Robert Howard 11 was this. He fell
in league with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck . The Lord
Viscount Purbeck 4p , being in some weakness and distemper,
1 [ as then originally written as yet ]
2 [ which in that . . . abatement. on opposite page.]
:$ [ the Lords order originally written the order ]
4 [ The Lord Viscount Purbeck originally written This Lord ]
1 [It is thus entered in the Lords delivered up unto him the said Sir
Journals : Robert Howard."]
"Dec. 21, 1640 . . . Ordered, that m [They were required to give secu-
the said Sir Robert Howard shall rity to pay it on New Year s day. See
forthwith receive and be paid the full Lords Order of Dec. 22.]
sum of one thousand pounds by way n [Fifth son of Thomas, first Earl
of damages ; viz. five hundred pounds of Suffolk.]
from the Lord Archbishop of Cant., [Prances, daughter of Sir Edw.
two hundred and fifty pounds from Coke, and Lady llatton, and wife of
Sir Henry Marten, and two hundred Vise. Purbeck.]
and fifty pounds from Sir John Lambe; v [John Villiers, the eldest brother
and that the several bonds of three of the whole blood to the Duke of
thousand five hundred pounds shall Buckingham, created Viscount Pur-
be likewise forthwith cancelled and beck June 19, 1619,]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 393
the lady used him at her pleasure, and betook herself in a
manner wholly to Sir Robert Howard, and had a son by
him. She was delivered of this child in a clandestine way,
under the name of Mistress Wright. These things came to
be known, and she was brought into the High Commission ;
and there, after a legal proceeding 1 , was found guilty of
adultery, and sentenced to do penance; many 2 of the great
lords of the kingdom being present in court, and agreeing in
the sentenced Upon this sentence, she withdrew herself, to
avoid the penance. This sentence passed at London-House,
in Bishop Mountain s time, Novemb. 19, an. Dom. 16.27*.
I was then present, as Bishop of Bath and Wells 4 . After
this, when the storm w r as somewhat over, Sir Robert Howard
conveyed her to his house at .... in Shropshire, where she
lived avowedly with him some years, and had by him . . .
children. At last they grew to that open boldness, that he
brought her up to London, and lodged her in Westminster.
1 [Originally added in opposite page, before many of the great lords of the
kingdom, as well as the ordinary Commissioners. ]
2 [ many originally written most ]
3 [ Novemb. . . . 1627. added in marg.]
4 [ of Bath and Wells. in marg. Originally written, of London. ]
i There were present, and concur- Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells [Wil-
ring in the sentence, Sir Tho. Co- liam Laud], Sir Jo. Coke, Secretary
ventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal [see his character in Clarendon s Hist.
[created Baron Coventry of Ayles- of Rebel 1. vol. i. p. 113], Sir Hen.
borough April 10, 1628], Hen. Earl of Marten [Dean of the Arches Court],
Manchester, Lord President of the Jo. Bonn, Dean of St. Paul s [he died
Council [Henry Montagu], W. Earl March 31, 1631; see his Life, by
of Pembroke, Lord Steward [Abp. Walton], Walt. Balcanquall, Dean of
Laud s predecessor as Chancellor of Rochester [also Master of the Savoy ;
Oxford], Philip Earl of Montgomery, he was afterwards Dean of Durham.
Lord Chamberlain [successor to his He suffered much in the Rebellion, and
brother William in the title of Earl died 1645], Tho. Worrall, Doctor of Di-
of Pembroke and to Laud in the vinity[D.D. of Brazenose Coll. Oxford,
Chancellorship of Oxford], Edw. Earl Rector of St. Botolph s, Bishopsgate,
of Dorset [Edward Sackville ; see afterwards Preb. of St. Paul s], Edm.
above, p. 151], Oliver Lord Viscount Pope [D.C.L. of All Souls, Chancellor
Grandison [Sir Oliver St. John, con- to the Bp. of Rochester, and Surrogate
nected by marriage with Sir Edw. Vil- to the Judge of the Prerogative Court
liers, an elder brother of Lord Pur- (Wood, F. 0. i. 282)], and Hugh
beck (Collins s Peerage, vol. iii. pp. Barker [D.C.L. of New Coll. ; accord-
769, 786)], George Lord Bishop of ing to Wood (F. 0. i. 307), Dean of the
London [George Montaigne, after- Arches ; but he is not in the list given
wards Bishop of Durham], Rich. Lord by Newcourt (Report, vol. i. p. 445)],
Bishop of Duresme [Rich. Neile, after- Doctors of Law, and Sir Charles
wards Abp. of York], Sam. Lord Caesar [Judge of the Audience, and
Bishop of Norwich [Sam. Harsnett, Master of the Faculties], who only
afterwards Abp. of York], Jo. Lord desired to be spared, and so gave no
Bishop of Rochester [John Bucke- sentence,
ridge, afterwards Bp. of Ely], William
394 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
This was so near the Court, and in so open view, that the
King and the Lords took notice of it, as a thing full of im
pudence, that they should so publicly adventure to outface
the justice of the realm in so foul a business 1 . And one day,
as I came of course to wait on his Majesty, he took me aside,
and told me of it, being then Archbishop of Canterbury, and
added that it was a great reproach to the Church and nation,
and that I neglected my duty in case I did not take order for it.
I made answer, she was the wife of a peer of the realm, and
that without his leave I could not attach her ; but that now
I knew his Majesty s pleasure, I would do my best to have
her taken, and brought to penance, according to the sentence
against her. The next day I had the good hap to apprehend
both her and Sir Robert ; and, by order of the High Com
mission Court, imprisoned her in the Gate-house, and him in
the Fleet.
This was, as far as I remember, upon a Wednesday ; and
the Sunday sevennight after, was thought upon to bring her
to penance. She was much troubled at it, and so was he ;
and therefore, in the middle of the week following, Sir
Robert dealt with some of his friends, and, among the rest,
with one Sir .... of Hampshire, who with money cor
rupted the turnkey of the prison, (so they call him 2 ,) and
conveyed the lady forth, and after that into France in man s
apparel (as that knight himself hath since made his boast). 14
This was told me the morning after the escape; and you
must think the good fellowship of the town was glad of it.
In the meantime I could not but know, though not perhaps
prove as then, that Sir Robert Howard laboured and contrived
this conveyance; and thereupon, in the next sitting of the
High Commission, ordered him to be close prisoner T till he
brought the lady forth. So he continued close prisoner about
some two or three months. For this the fine 3 above men
tioned was imposed upon me, as being a most unjust and
1 [ as a thing . . . business. on opposite page.]
2 [ (so they call him,) originally written, (as they call him,) ]
3 [ fine originally written punishment ]
r Close prisoner from the High to suffer him to go out of the prison.
Commission Court, was not to shut W. C.
him up in his chamber, but only not
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 395
illegal imprisonment. Whereas the Parliament (to the great
honour of their justice be it spoken) have kept me in prison
now full thirteen months and upward, and have not so much Jan. 28,
as brought up a particular charge (55) against me ; and how
much longer they will keep me, God knows. Now, say that
all forms of law were not observed by me ; yet somewhat
was to be indulged, in regard I did it to vindicate such a
crying impiety. But yet, I do here solemnly protest, I ob
served the order of the court in which I sat, and that court
settled by an Act of Parliament, 1 Eliz. 8 And I did not
knowingly err in any particular. More I could say in these
my sufferings ; but I will blast no family of honour for one
man s fault.
On Thursday, Januar. 21, 164J, a Parliament-man, of good Jan. 21,
note in the House of Commons, and well interested in divers
lords, gave me to understand, that some lords were very
well pleased with my patient and moderate carriage since
my commitment ; and that four earls, of great power in the
House, should say, that the Lords were not now so sharp
against me as they were at first ; and that now they were
resolved, only to sequester me from the King s counsels, and
to put me from my archbishopric. I was glad to hear of
any favour, considering the times ; but considering my inno-
cency, I could not hold this for favour. And I could not
but observe to myself, what justice I was to expect ; since
here was a resolution taken among the leading men of the
House, what censure should be laid upon me, before any
charge, so much as in general, was brought up against me.
s [1 Eliz. cap. i, sec. x viii.]
396 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
CAP. VI.
Feb. 26, UPON Friday, Feb. 26, 1 had been full ten weeks in restraint,
at Mr. Maxwell s house ; and this day, being St. Augustine s
day, my charge in general Articles was brought up from the
House of Commons to the Lords, by Sir Hen. Vane the
younger a . It consisted of fourteen Articles. These generals
they craved time to prove in particular, and that I in the
meantime might be kept safe. Upon this I was presently
sent for to the House, and the Articles were read to me at
the bar. When the Clerk of the Parliament had done
reading, I humbly craved leave of the Lords to speak a few
words ; which were to this effect :
" My Lords, This is a great and a heavy charge, and I
must be unworthy to live, if it can be made good against me ;
for it makes me against God, in point of religion ; against
the King, in point of allegiance ; and against the public, in
point of safety, under the justice and protection of law. And
though the King be little, if at all, mentioned, yet I am bold
to name him, because I have ever been of opinion, that the
King and his people are so joined together in one civil and
politic body, as that it is not possible for any man to
be true to the King, as King, that shall be found treacherous
to the State established by law, and work to the subversion
of the people ; though perhaps every one, that is so, is not
able to see through all the consequences, by which one
depends upon the other l .
" So my charge, my Lords-, is exceeding heavy in itself;
though I as yet do not altogether feel the weight of it. For
tis yet, as your Lordships see, but in generals ; and generals
make a great noise, but no proof; whereas, tis proof upon
particulars that makes the weight of a charge sit close upon
1 [ Though perhaps . . . other. on opposite page.]
a Rush worth saith, they were carried 25, 28, who also exhibits, pp. 23, 24,
up by Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, and the preliminary votes and orders of
Mr. Maynard, and inserteth Pym s the Commons, made Febr. 22, 23, 24,
speech, made at the presenting of 26, for the framing and carrying up
them to the Lords, par. iii. vol. i. pp. the Articles to the Lords. H. W.
395, 199, &c. So also Pryn, pp. 24,
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 397
any man. Now, my Lords, tis an old and a true rule,
Errare contingit descendendo ; Error doth most often happen,
and best appear, when men descend to particulars; and with
them, when I shall be charged, I hope my innocence will
furnish me with a sufficient answer to any error of mine
that shall be thought criminal, or any way worthy the
cognizance of this high and honourable court. As for human
frailties, as I cannot acquit myself of them, so I presume
your Lordships will be favourable judges of them ; since in
the transaction of so many businesses as passed my hands,
men, far abler than ever I can be, have been subject to them,
and perhaps to as many and as great. But for corruption,
in the least degree, (I humbly praise God for it,) I fear no
accuser, that will speak truth.
" But, my Lords, that which goes nearest unto me among
these Articles is, that I should be thought foul and false in
the profession of (56) my religion; as if I should profess with
the Church of England, and have my heart at Rome, and
L49 labour by all cunning ways to bring Romish superstition in
upon the kingdom. This, my Lords, I confess, troubles me
exceedingly ; and if I should forget myself, and fall into
passion upon it, I should but be in that case which St. Jerome
confessed he was in, when he knew not how to be patient,
when falsehood in religion was charged upon him b . And yet
that was nothing so high a charge as this which is laid against
me ; which is not only to be basely false myself, but withal to
labour to spread the same falsehood over the whole kingdom."
And here I humbly besought their Lordships, that I might
a little enlarge myself, and I did so. But because I purpose
here to set down the general Articles, that were brought up
against me, and that one of them comes home to this point
of religion, I shall put it off till I come to that Article c , and
there set it down at large, what I now said. And this I do
to avoid an useless and a tedious repetition. Here then
follow the Articles themselves, as they were that day charged
upon me, with my general answer to each of them. And more
I cannot give, till particulars shall be put up against me.
b [" Nolo in suspicione haereseos taceat." S. Hieron. ad Pammach.-$ 2.
quenquam esse patientem, ric apud Op., torn. ii. col. 409. C. Venet. 1767.]
eos, qui ignorant innoccntiam ejus, < Tis Article 10. p. 63 [of orig. MS.
dissimulatio conscientiae judicetur, si See below, p. 411.]
398 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
CAP. VII.
ARTICLES a OP THE COMMONS ASSEMBLED IN PARLIAMENT, IN
MAINTENANCE OF THEIR ACCUSATION AGAINST WILLIAM LAUD,
ARCHBISHOP OE CANTERBURY, WHEREBY HE STANDS CHARGED
WITH HIGH TREASON b .
1. That he hath traitorously endeavoured to subvert the
fundamental laws and government of the kingdom c , and
instead thereof to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical
government against law ; and to that end hath wickedly
and traitorously advised his Majesty, that he might at
his own will and pleasure levy and take money of his
subjects, without their consent in Parliament. And this
he affirmed was warrantable by the law of God.
Ad I DID never f endeavour to subvert the fundamental laws
of this kingdom of England/ nor to introduce an arbitrary
or tyrannical government/ contrary to law. I could not
endeavour this ; my knowledge and judgment going ever
against an arbitrary government/ in comparison of that
which is settled by law. I learned so much long ago out of
Aristotle d ; and his reasons are too good to be gone against *.
And ever since I had the honour to sit at the Council-table,
I kept myself as much to the law as I could, and followed
the judgment of those great lawyers which then sat at the
board. And upon all references which came from his Majesty,
if I were one, I left those freely to the law, who were not
willing to have their business ended any other way. And
this the Lord Keeper 6 , the Lord Privy Seal f , and the Counsel
1 [ I learned . . . against. on opposite page.]
a They are printed also in Kush- &v re TrAeious fieri, ircpl TOVTWV
worth, par. iii, vol. i. p. 196, &c. Pryn s Kvpiovs,irpl ftvav QaSwaTovffiv ol i>6/uoi
Compl. Hist. p. 25, &c. heyeiv dftpificas, 5ta rb p.)) pcfiiov (3vai
b [ and other high crimes and inis- KaQo\ov SrjAakrcu Trepl irdvTow.] Arist.
demeanours. Rushw. lib. iii. Polit. c. 11. [p. 108. Oxon. 1810.]
c this kingdom of England, e [John Finch.]
Kushw. and Pryn. f [Henry Montagu, Earl of Man-
d [Ae? TOVS v6(J.ovs Kvpiovs flvai /cei- Chester.]
u4vovs bpQ&s rbv fy>x oj/Ta ^ kv els,
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 399
Learned, which attended their clients causes, can plentifully
witness.
I did never advise his Majesty, that he might at his own
will and pleasure levy money of his subjects without their
consent in Parliament/ Nor do I remember, that ever I
affirmed any such thing as is charged in the Article. But
I do believe, that I may have said something to this effect
following : that howsoever it stands by the law of God, for a
king, in l the just and necessary defence of himself and his
kingdom, to levy money of his subjects ; yet where a particular
national law doth intervene in any kingdom, and is settled
by mutual consent between the king and his people, there
moneys ought to be levied by and according to that law.
And by God s law, and the same law of the land, I humbly
conceive, the subjects, so met in Parliament, ought to supply
their prince, when there is just and necessary cause. And
if an absolute necessity do happen by invasion, or otherwise,
which gives no time for counsel or law, such a necessity (but
no pretended one) is above all law. And I have heard the
greatest lawyers in this kingdom confess, that in times of such
a necessity, the King s legal prerogative is as great as this.
And since here is of late such a noise made about the sub
version of the fundamental laws of the kingdom/ and men s
lives called this way in question ; tis very requisite, that these
fundamental laws w r ere known to all men : that so they
may see the danger before they run upon it : whereas now,
the common laws of England have no text at all. Inso
much that many, who would think themselves wronged, if
they were not accounted good lawyers, cannot in many points
assure a man what the law is. And by this means, the judges
have liberty to retain more in scrinio pectoris than is fitting ;
and which comes a little too near that arbitrary government
so much and so justly found fault with : whereas there is no
kingdom 2 (that I know) that hath a settled government, but
it hath also a text, or a corpus juris of the laws written, save
England. So here shall be as great a punishment, as is any
where, for the breach of the laws, and no text of them for a
man s 3 direction. And under favour, I think it were a work
1 [ by the law ... in in marg. Originally written, with a king for ]
2 [A word erased before kingdom ] 3 [ a man s originally written his ]
400 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
worthy a Parliament to command some prime lawyers to
draw up a body of the common law, and then have it care
fully examined by all the judges of the realm, and thoroughly
weighed by both Houses,, and then have this book declared
and confirmed by an Act of Parliament, as containing the
fundamental law r s of the kingdom. And then let any man
go to subvert them at his peril \
2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his trai
torous design, advised and procured divers sermons and
other discourses to be preached, printed and published,
in which the authority of parliaments, and the force of
the laws of this (57) kingdom are denied, and an absolute
and unlimited power over the persons and estates of his
Majesty s subjects is maintained and defended, not only in
the King, but also in himself, and other bishops, above and
against the law. And he hath been a great protector,
favourer and promoter of the publishers of such false and
pernicious opinions.
Ad secun- I have neither advised nor procured the preaching, printing,
or publishing of any sermons, or other discourses, in which
the authority of parliaments, and the force of the laws of this
kingdom are denied, and an absolute and unlimited power
over the persons and estates of his Majesty & subjects main
tained and defended. Nay, I have been so far from this,
that I have, since I came into place, made stay of divers
books, purposely written to maintain an absolute power in
the kingdom, and have not suffered them to be printed, as
was earnestly desired. And were it fit to bring other men s
names in question, and expose their persons to danger, I have
some of those tracts by me at this present.
And as I have not maintained } this power in the King s
Majesty ; so much less have I defended this, or any other
power against law/ either in myself, or other bishops/ or
any other person whatsoever : nor have I been a protector,
favourer, or promoter of any the publishers of such false and
pernicious opinions, knowing them to be such men.
1 [ And since here is (p. 399) . . . peril. on opposite page.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 401
152 3. He hath by letters, messages, threats, promises, and divers
other ways, to judges and other ministers of justice, inter-
rupted and perverted, and at other times, by the means
aforesaid, hath endeavoured to interrupt and pervert, the
course of justice, in his Majesty s Courts at Westminster,
and other Courts, to the subversion of the laws of this
kingdom; whereby sundry of his Majesty s subjects have
been stopped in their just suits, and deprived of their
lawful rights, and subjected to his tyrannical will, to their
utter ruin and destruction.
I have neither by letters, messages, threats, nor promises, Ad ter-
nor by any other means, endeavoured to interrupt or pervert tlum *
the course of justice in his Majesty s judges, or other minis
ters of justice, either to the subversion of the law, or the
stopping of the subjects in their just suits : much less, to the
ruin or destruction of any one ; which God forbid I should
ever be guilty of.
The most that ever I have done in this kind, is this.
When some poor clergymen, which have been held in long
suits, some seven, nine, twelve years, and one for nineteen
years together, have come and besought me with tears, and
have scarce had convenient clothing about them to come and
make their address ; I have sometimes underwritten their
petitions to those reverend judges, in whose Courts their suits
were, and have fairly desired expedition for them. But I did
never desire, by any letter, or subscription, or message, any
thing for any of them, but that which was according to the
law and justice of the realm. And in this particular, I do
refer myself to the testimony of the reverend judges of the
common law.
4. That the said Archbishop hath traitorously and corruptly
sold justice to those that have had causes depending before
him, by colour of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as Arch
bishop, High Commissioner, Referee, or otherwise; and
hath taken unlawful gifts and bribes of his Majesty s
subjects : and hath, as much as in him (58) lieth, endea
voured to corrupt other courts of justice, by advising [and
procuring %] his Majesty to sell places of judicature, and
E Eiuslnv. and Pryn.
LAUD. VOL. in. D r>
402 HISTORY OP THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
other offices, [and procuring the sale of them h ,] contrary
to the laws and statutes in that behalf.
Ad quar- I did least of all expect this charge. For I have not cor
ruptly sold justice, either as Archbishop, High Commissioner,
Referee, or otherwise : nor have I taken any unlawful gift
or bribe of any his Majesty s subjects. And though in this
Article there is no particular mentioned, more than in the
rest ; yet I am not ignorant that I have been charged in the
House of Commons for taking two pipes of sack from one
Mr. Tho. Stone, as a bribe for the abatement of a fine, im
posed upon some men of Chester by T the High Commission
at York : which power of abatement was in me, by virtue of
a broad seal 2 granted me to that purpose, bearing date 1
Now, because there is no particular known to me but this,
belonging to this or 3 any other Article ; and because I know
not what course the Parliament will hold with me ; namely,
whether they will produce particulars, or proceed by Bill of
Attainder ; I will take opportunity here to unfold all that is
true in this odious accusation of Stone. And the case is
thus :
Mr. Stone, knowing that these fines with other were given
by his Majesty towards the repair of St. Paul s in London,
and that the trust of that business, with power to abate any
fine, w r as committed to me, under the broad seal of England,
became a very earnest suitor to me in the behalf of these
Chester-men, fined at York k . And he set divers of his friends
and mine upon me, for abatement of this fine; and among
others, his own 4 son-in-law, Mr. William Wheat, barrister-
at-law, who had been bred under me at St. John s College in
Oxford, and Mr. Wheat s brother, Doctor Bay lie 1 , then Dean
1 [ by originally written at ]
2 [ bearing date originally written here and erased.]
3 [ this or interlined.]
4 [ his own originally written his ]
h Desunt in Paishw. and Pryn. it better to let it stand here, than to
5 All this about Stone is afterward curtail the history, for the sake of one
more perfectly related, and so this to single repetition.H. W.
be omitted- here, according to the k [The reason of their being fined is
Archbishop s direction, p. 159, [p. 413 explained afterwards, where the case
in note.] Only compare them first is more fully stated.]
together. W. S. A. C. [The relationship of these parties
The account being short, I thought may be thus explained. William
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 403
of Salisbury m . In this suit Stone pretended and protested
too, that these men owed him two or three thousand pounds
(I well remember not whether), and that he should lose it all,
if these men s fines were not abated. For they would hide
their heads, and never appear again. During this suit, he
came twice, if not thrice, to my steward, and told him he had
at present excellent sack, and, that he would send in two
pipes for me. My steward at each time refused his motion,
and acquainted me with it (as my command ever was he
should do in cases of receiving anything into my house).
I at every of these times commanded it should not be received.
Mr. Stone then protested to my steward, that he did not
offer this as any bribe or gratuity for the business of the
Chester-men, but merely as a token of his thankfulness for
many and great kindnesses done by me to himself, his son-
in-law, and his friend Doctor Baylie. Notwithstanding this,
I gave absolute command the sack should not be received.
When Mr. Stone saw this, he found a time to send in the
sack when my steward was not in the house, and told my
under-servants that my steward was acquainted with it. The
next time Mr. Stone came to the house, which (as far as I
remember) was the very next day 1 , my steward told him, he
would send back the sack, and was about to do it (as he after
assured me). Then Mr. Stone was very earnest with him,
that he would save his credit, and not send the wine back to
his disgrace ; renewing his former deep protestations, that he
had in this no relation at all to the Chester-men s business.
Upon this, my steward being acquainted with him, and his
fore-named friends, trusted him, and let the wine stay, con
trary to my former commands. After all this, this unworthy
man put the price of this wine upon the Chester-men s
account ; as if for that gift I had abated their fine ; and so
gave them an occasion to complain of me (59) to the Parlia-
1 [ which . . . day, in margin.]
Wheat of Coventry married Anne beth. eldest daughter of Thomas Stone,
d aughtcr of Abraham Quiney of Strat- of London. (Burke s Extinct and
ibrd-upon-Avon, and relict of Richard Dormant Baronetcies, under the name
Bailey of Lichiield, by whom he had WHEAT).]
a son and heir, William Wheat of m [See above, p. 184.]
Glympton, Oxon, who married Eliza-
D I) 2
404 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
ment. Whereas both the Chester-men and Mr. Stone him
self had before acknowledged, I had used them kindly in the
composition for their^fine, and wished they had been referred
to me for the whole cause. And for my whole carriage in
this business, I dare refer myself to the testimony of Mr.
Stone s own son-in-law, and Doctor Baylie, who were the
chief men whom Mr. Stone employed to l me.
Besides, after all this cunning, it will appear by my ser- 1
vants their accounts, that the wine was not brought into my
house, in the cunning manner before mentioned, till divers
days after I had compounded with the Chester-men for their
fine; so a bribe for doing a business it could not be. And
upon the whole matter, I am verily persuaded, considering
Stone s profession in religion, (for he is a Brownist, or next
neighbour to him,) that he did this of set purpose, to see if he
could ensnare me in this way.
Lastly, I desire the Lords, and all men that have had any
thing to do with me, to look upon me in the whole course of
my life ; wherein they shall find me untainted with so much
as the value of sixpence in this base way. And it is not
unknown to the world, that for many years together I had
opportunities enough to enrich myself by such a way, had
I been minded to take that course : whereas now, it is well
known, my estate is the meanest of any Archbishop s of Can
terbury that hath sat for many years. And having carried
it thus along for all my life, I presume no man can be so
injurious to me, as to think I w r ould now in mine old age
(being sixty-eight when this was charged upon me) sell either
my conscience, or my honour, for a morsel of bread or a cup
of wine.
And for the other part of this Article. I did never advise
his Majesty to sell places of judicature, or other offices, or
procure the sale of them contrary to law.
5. He hath traitorously caused a Book of Canons to be
composed and published, and those Canons to be put in
execution n , without any lawful warrant and authority in
1 [ to originally written towards ]
n [ and those . . . execution, ] desunt in Rush, and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 405
that behalf. In which pretended Canons many matters
are contained contrary to the King s prerogative, to the
fundamental laics and statutes of this realm, to the right
of Parliament, to the propriety and liberty of the subjects,
and matters tending to sedition, and of dangerous conse
quence ; and to the establishment of a vast, unlawful, and
presumptuous power in himself and his successors: many
of the which Canons, by the practice of the said Archbishop,
were surreptitiously passed in the last Convocation, without
due consideration and debate ; others by fear and compul
sion were subscribed to by the prelates and clerks thei e
assembled ; which had never been voted and passed in the
Convocation, as they ought to have been. And the said
Archbishop hath contrived and endeavoured to assure and
confirm the unlawful and exorbitant power which he hath
usurped and exercised over his Majesty s subjects, by a
wicked and ungodly oath, in one of the said pretended
Canons, enjoined to be taken by all the clergy, and many
of the laity of this kingdom.
I composed no Book of Canons : the whole Convocation Ad quiu-
did it, with unanimous consent. So, either I must be free, tum
or that whole body must be guilty of high treason. For in
that crime all are principals that are guilty ; accessory there
is none. Neither did I publish, or put in execution those
Canons, or any of them, but by lawful authority. And I do
5 humbly conceive, and verily believe, there is nothing in those
Canons contrary either to the (60) King s prerogative, the
fundamental laws of the realm, the rights of Parliament, the
propriety and liberty of the subjects, or any matter tending
to sedition, or of dangerous consequence, or to the establish
ment of any vast or unlawful power in myself and my
successors/
Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation sur
reptitiously passed by any practice of mine, or without due
consideration and debate. Neither was there anything in that
Convocation, but what was voted first and subscribed after,
without fear or compulsion in any kind. And I am verily
persuaded, there never sat any Synod in Christendom,
wherein the votes passed with more freedom, or less prac-
406 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
j than they did in this. And for the oath enjoined in
the sixth Canon, as it was never made to confirm any
unlawful or exorbitant power over his Majesty s subjects ;
so I do humbly conceive, that it is no wicked or ungodly
oath in any respect. And I hope I am able to make it good
in any learned assembly in Christendom, that this oath,
and all those Canons (then made and here before recited)
and every branch in them, are just and orthodox, and mode
rate, and most necessary for the present condition of the
Church of England ; how unwelcome soever to the present
distemper.
6. He hath traitorously assumed to himself a Papal and
tyrannical power, both in Ecclesiastical and temporal
matters, over his Majesty s subjects in this realm of
England, and other places ; to the disinherison of the
Crown, dishonour of his Majesty, and derogation of his
supreme authority in ecclesiastical matters. And the said
Archbishop claims the King s ecclesiastical jurisdiction,
as incident to his episcopal and archiepiscopal office in
this kingdom ; and doth deny the same to be derived from
the Crown of England ; which he hath accordingly exer
cised, to the high contempt of his royal Majesty, and to
the destruction [of divers ] of the King s liege people in
their persons and estates.
Ad sex- I have not assumed Papal or tyrannical power/ in mat
ters ecclesiastical or temporal; to the least disinherison,
dishonour, or derogation of his Majesty s supreme autho
rity in matters ecclesiastical or temporal. I never claimed
the King s ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as incident to my
episcopal or archiepiscopal office in this kingdom; nor did
I ever deny, that the exercise * of my jurisdiction was derived
from the Crown of England.
But that which I have said, and do still say, concerning my
office and calling, is this, that my order as a bishop, and
my power of jurisdiction, is by Divine apostolical right, and
1 [Several words here erased so as to be illegible.]
Rush, and Pryn.
OF AllCHBISHOP LAUD. 407
unalterable (for aught I know) in the Church of Christ.
But all the power I, or any other bishop hath to exercise
any the least power, either of order or jurisdiction, within
this realm of England, is derived wholly from the Crown ;
and I conceive it were treasonable to derive it from any
other power, foreign or domestic. And for the exercise of
this power under his Majesty, I have not used it to the
156 contempt, but to the great advantage of his royal person,
and to the preservation, not the destruction of his people.
Both which appear already by the great distractions, fears,
and troubles, which all men are in since my restraint ; and
which (for aught I yet see) are like to increase, if God be
not exceeding merciful above our deserts.
7. That he hath traitorously endeavoured to alter and sub
vert God s true religion by law established in this realm ;
and instead thereof to set up Popish superstition and
idolatry ; and to that end hath declared and maintained
in speeches and printed books divers Popish doctrines and
opinions, contrary to the Articles of Religion established
\by law^\. He hath (61) urged and enjoined divers
Popish and superstitious ceremonies, without any warrant
of law, and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed
the same, by corporal punishment and imprisonment ; and
most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto,
by ecclesiastical censures of excommunication, suspension,
deprivation, and degradation ; contrary to the law of the
kingdom.
I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God s true religion Ad septim.
established by law in this kingdom ; or to bring in Romish
superstition. Neither have I declared, maintained, or printed
any Popish doctrine, or opinion, contrary to the Articles of
Religion established, or any one of them, either to the end
mentioned in this Article, or any other.
I have neither urged nor enjoined any Popish or super
stitious ceremonies without warrant of law ; nor have I
cruelly persecuted any opposers of them. But all that
I laboured for in this particular was, that the external
p Rushw. and Pryn.
408 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
worship of God in this Church might be kept "up in uniformity
and decency, and in some beauty of holiness. And this the
rather, because, first l , I found that with the contempt of the
outward worship of God, the inward fell away apace, arid
profaneness began boldly to show itself. And secondly, be
cause I could speak with no conscientious persons almost,
that were wavering in religion, but the great motive which
wrought upon them to disaffect, or think meanly of the
Church of England, was, that the external worship of God
was so lost in the Church (as they conceived it), and the
churches themselves, and all things in them, suffered to lie
in such a base and slovenly fashion in most places of the
kingdom. These, and no other considerations, moved me to
take such care as I did of it ; which was with a single eye,
and most free from any Romish superstition in anything.
As for ceremonies; all that I enjoined, were according
to law. And if any were superstitious, I enjoined them
not. As for those which are so called by some men, they
are no innovations, but restorations of the ancient approved
ceremonies, in, and from the beginning of the Reformation,
and settled either by law or custom ; till the faction of
such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church
of England, did oppose them, and cry them down. And for
the censures which I put upon any, I presume they will to
all indifferent men, which will understandingly and patiently 157
hear the cause, appear to be just, moderate, and according
to law.
8. That for the better advancing of his traitorous purpose
and designs, he did abuse the great power and trust his
Majesty reposed in him ; and did intrude upon the places
of divers great officers, and upon the right of divers * his .
Majesty s subjects ; whereby he did procure to himself the
nomination of sundry persons to ecclesiastical dignities,
promotions, and benefices, belonging to his Majesty, and
divers of the nobility, clergy, and others ; and hath taken
upon him the nomination r of chaplains to the King ; by
1 [/first/ interlined.]
other Rush w. and Pryn. r commendation Paishw. and Pryn.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 409
which means he hath preferred to his Majesty s service,
and to other great promotions in the Church, such as have
been popishly affected, or otherwise unsound and corrupt
both in doctrine and manners.
I did never wittingly abuse the power or trust which his Ad octa-
Majesty reposed in me. Nor did I ever intrude upon the
places of any great officers, or others, to procure to myself
the nomination of persons ecclesiastical, to dignities, pro
motions, and (62) benefices, belonging to his Majesty, the
nobility, or any other. And though here be no particular
named, yet I guess at that which is meant, and will clearly
set down the truth.
His Majesty, some few years since, assumed to himself, from
the Right Honourable the Lord Coventry, the Lord Keeper
that then was, and from my Lord Cottington, then Master of
the Court of Wards, the disposing of 1 all such benefices as
came to the King s gift by title of wardship, of what value
soever they were. The reason which moved his Majesty to
do this was : The Lord Keeper and the Lord Cottington
became humble suitors to him, to end a contention between
them, about the giving of those benefices, both for their own
quiet, and the peace of other his Majesty s subjects. For the
course was, when anything fell void in the gift of a ward,
he of these two great officers which came first to know of
the avoidance, gave the living. This caused great, and oft-
times undue, practising among them which were suitors for
the benefices. And many times the broad seal, and the seal
of the Court of Wards, bore date the same day. And then
the bishop, which clerk soever he instituted, was sure to
offend the other lord. And these lords too - many times, by
.the earnest putting on of friends, were not well pleased one
with another in the business. Upon this suit of their own,
his Majesty gave a hearing to these lords ; and in conclusion
of it, took the disposal of all such benefices into his own
hands, and (for aught I know) with both their liking and
content. In the disposing of these benefices to such men
as had served his Majesty at sea, or otherwise, I was trusted
1 [ the disposing of in marg.]
2 [ these lords too interlined.]
410 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
by the King; and I served him in it faithfully; but pro
ceeded 110 further, nor otherwise, than ] he directed arid
commanded me. But I never took the nomination of any
one to myself, or my own disposing. And the truth of this,
as his Majesty knows, so I am confident my Lord Cotting-
tou, who is yet living, will witness.
For the nomination of chaplains to the King/ if I had 158
done it, I think the work was as proper for the Archbishop,
as for any man. Yet, because by ancient custom it was con
ceived to belong in a great part to the Lord Chamberlain,
(who was then the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke,)
I never named any to his Majesty, but I did fairly acquaint
the Lord Chamberlain with it, and desired his favour s . But
in all my time I never was the means to prefer any man to
his Majesty s service, as a chaplain, or to any promotion,
whom I knew to be popishly affected, or any way corrupt in
doctrine or manners.
9. He hath, for the same traitorous and wicked intent, chosen
and employed such men to be his [own domestical t ] chap
lains, whom he knew to be notoriously disaffected to the
reformed religion, grossly addicted to Popish superstition,
and erroneous and unsound both in judgment and in
practice. And to them, or some of them, he hath com
mitted licensing of books to be printed ; by which means
divers false and superstitious books have been published,
to the great scandal of religion, and to the seducing of
many of his Majesty s subjects.
Adnonum. I never chose any man to be my chaplain, who I knew,
or had good cause to suspect, was popishly 2 affected ; nor
any that was unsound in judgment or practice. Nor did
I commit the licensing of books to any such, but to those
only, who I then did, and do still believe, are orthodox and
religious divines, and men of very good judgment for that
necessary and great service. And if they, or any of them,
1 [ I was .... than on opposite page. Originally written, I served his
Majesty in that way, and so far as ] 2 [Originally written, a Ro (sic.)]
s [See e.g. a letter of the Archbishop Dr. Oliver. Sept. 25, 1640.]
to the Earl of Pembroke, in favour of Pryn and Kushworth.
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 411
have, by negligence or otherwise, suffered any erroneous and
dangerous books l (63) to pass the press, they must answer
both the Church and the State, for whatsoever they have
done amiss in that kind ; for it is not possible for the Arch
bishop to perform 2 all those services in person. And in the
committing of them to my chaplains, and other divines of
note, I have done no new thing, but that which my prede
cessors have done before me.
This I am sure of: I gave often and express and strict
command to all and every of them, that they should license
nothing that was contrary to the doctrine and discipline
established in the Church of England, or might personally
or otherwise give offence or distaste. And I hope they
have obeyed my directions ; if not, they must answer for
themselves.
10, He hath traitorously and wickedly endeavoured to recon
cile the Church of England with the Church of Rome.
And for the effecting thereof, hath consorted, and con
federated with divers Popish priests and Jesuits, and
hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome ; and
by himself, his agents and instruments, treated with such
as have from thence received authority and instruction.
He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish hierarchy,
or ecclesiastical government, to be established in this
kingdom. By all which traitorous and malicious prac-
159 tices this Church and kingdom have been exceedingly
endangered, and like to fall under the tyranny of the
Roman See.
The Article is now come of which I spake before 11 , and in Ad
my answer to which I promised to set down the substance of
that which I spake in the Parliament House to the Lords,
when this general charge was brought up against me ; and I
shall somewhat enlarge it 3 , yet without any change of the
grounds upon which I then stood. And now I shall perform
1 [ books originally written works ]
2 [ to perform interlined.]
3 [ I shall somewhat enlarge it, originally written, and somewhat to
enlarge it, ]
u T. 56 [of orig. MS. See above, p. 397 J.
412 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
that promise. And I shall he of all other least afraid to
answer all that is here said concerning religion. For my
heart (I bless God for it) is sound that way, to the uttermost
of my knowledge ; and I think I do well understand my
principles. And my old master, Aristotle, hath taught me
long since, that Qui se bene Jiabent ad divina, audadores sunt v ;
They which are well and settledly composed in things per
taining to God, (that is, in religion,) are much the bolder by
it ; and this not only against slanders and imputations cast
upon men for this, but in all other accidents of the world,
whatever they be.
And surely I may not deny it : I have ever wished, and
heartily prayed for, the unity of the whole Church of Christ,
and the peace and reconciliation of torn and divided Christen
dom. But I did never desire a reconciliation, but such as
might stand with truth, and preserve all the foundations of
religion entire. For I have learned from a prime Schoolman
of their own, that " every union doth not perfect the true
reason or definition of that which is good ; but that only,
upon which depends esse perfectum rei, the perfect essence of
that thing x ." So that in this particular, if the substance of
Christian religion be not perfected by any union, that union
itself cannot have in it rationem boni, the true being and
nature of good. And therefore I did never desire that
England and Rome should meet together, but with forsaking
of error and superstition ; especially such as grate upon and
fret the foundations of religion. But were this done, God
forbid, but I should labour for a reconciliation ; if some tenets
of the Roman party, on the one side, and some deep and
embittered disaffections, on the other, have not made it im
possible, as I much doubt they have. But that I should
practise with Rome as now it stands, and to that end should
confederate with priests and Jesuits ; or hold secret intelli
gence with the Pope ; or treat with him, or any instruments
authorized by him, or by any agents, is utterly untrue ; as I
hope may fully appear by that which follows y.
v [(appa\*oi *l<T\v) kv TO. irpbs [Aquin. Summ. Theol.] i. 2, q. 30,
Qeovs avTols Ka\s xy. Arist. lib. ii. Art. 3 ad quint, [leg. primum.]
lihetor. c. 5. [ 21.] ? [The Archbishop has here written
x "Non omnifj unio perficit ratio- on the opposite page, His. par. 2.
nem boni, sed solum ilia, a qua de- Here the History goes on a p. 63.
pendet es.se perfectum rei." [S.] Tho. And] I find that some things in my
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD, 413
(64) And first, (in hope that they which have observed my
life in times past will give me credit in this time of my
affliction,,) I do here make my solemn protestation, in the
presence of God and this great Court, that I am innocent of
anything, greater or less, that is charged in this Article or
any part of it. And I do here offer my corporal oath, (please
it the Lords to give it me,) in the strictest form that any
60 oath can be conceived, that I am wholly innocent of this
charge. And let nothing be tendered against me but truth,
and I do challenge whatsoever is between heaven and hell to
come in and witness whatsoever they can against me in this
particular. For all that I have feared in all this charge
against me is not guilt, but subornation of perjury, against
which innocency itself cannot be safe. And I have found
the deadly hatred of some men against me to be such, as that,
though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an
irreligious baseness, yet I have great cause to suspect some
particular men, which I see make no conscience of the way,
so they may compass their end.
Secondly ; Should I practise (be it with whom you will) to
superinduce Romish tyranny and superstition over the true
religion established in England, I have taken a very wrong
way to it. For I have hindered as many 1 from going to the
1 [The Archbishop here adds, in a marg. note afterwards erased :
As namely, Mr. Digby, a priest, who lives, now a minister, in Northampton
shire.
Mr. James Gentleman, a very good scholar, and since in orders, and bene-
ficed by my procurement in Kent.
Sir Wi. Spencer. He afterwards fell away ; but that was after he was gone
from me.
The Lord Maio, of Ireland, brought to me by Mr. Gifford.
Two daughters of Sir Rich. Lechford, that were going to be nuns. I
stayed them, and they remain good Protestants.
A doctor of the civil law, whose name I spare, that I may not prejudice his
person.
Sir Wi. Webb. Two of his daughters, and his eldest son.
Mr. Christopher Seaburn, brought to me by Mr. Connisby, of Herefordshire.
Mr. Wi. Chillingworth, who was gone to Doway ; and I recovered him back,
and settled him in the Church of England, as I have letters to show under his
own hand.
Two young scholars of St. John s, in Cambridge. They both continue
constant to the Church of England ; and Topping is at this day Fellow of the
general answer to the Articles are answer that are perfected in the second,
repeated again in the beginning of my W. Cant.
particular answers, when my trial came I would not adventure to mangle and
on. I desire (for I had no time to do disjoint the History : the reader (if
it myself) that, to avoid tediousness, he so pleaseth) may pass by such repe-
all those may be left out of the first titions. H. W.
414 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
Roman party, and have reduced as many from it, and some
of great quality, and some of great learning and judgment,
as I believe any divine in England hath done. And is this
the way to bring in Romish superstition/ to reduce men
from it ? Or is this the reward from the State, which men
must look for that have done these services ?
3. Thirdly ; The book which I have written against Mr. Fisher
the Jesuit, must of necessity either acquit me of this calumny,
or proclaim me a villain to the world. And I hope I have
so lived, as that men have not that opinion of me ; sure I am
I have not deserved it. And had this book of mine been
written according to the garb of the time, fuller of railing
than reason, a learned Jesuit would have laughed at it and
me ; and a learned Protestant might have thought I had
written it only to conceal myself and my judgment in those
difficulties. But being written in the way it is, I believe no
Romanist will have much cause to joy at it, or to think me a
favourer of their cause. And since I am thus put to it, I will
say thus much more. This book of mine is so written (by
God s great blessing upon me) as that whensoever the Church
of England (as they are growing towards it apace) shall
depart from the grounds which I have therein laid, she shall
never be able, before any learned and disengaged Christian 1 ,
to make good her difference with, and her separation from,
the Church of Rome. And let no man think I speak pride
house, and a man of very good worth. And I have all the papers by me of that
business.
The L. Duke of Buckingham her son. She had made waver in religion,
and set Mr. Fisher and other Jesuits upon him ; but I thank God I took off
all his scruples, and he continued a knowing and a resolved Frotestant to (the
instant of [these words erased]) his death. And for this King James, of ever
blessed memory, honoured me so far as to give me thanks.
And for the young L. Duke of Buckingham his son, what care I took to
settle his education, and make it safe, I have to show under a very good hand,
and with remarkable circumstances ; though I make no doubt but the right
hon. lady, his mother, will freely acknowledge it.
And when my L. Marquis Hamilton told me his lady was disturbed in
mind and began to be unsettled in religion, though I could not then attend
that business myself (as my L. well knew), yet I directed his Lp. what person
to use, and what way should be taken. And I thank God it succeeded. Her
consumption continued some time, but she lived a settled Protestant of the
Church of England, and died in great peace of mind and conscience.
My acquaintance with Sir Kenelm Digby began when he was a Protestant,
and when I heard out of France (where he then was), that he was changing back
to the Roman party, I was the first man that challenged him for it. And the
letter which hereupon he sent to me, and my answer to him, (both which I have
by me,) will evidence both my fidelity and care in this behalf. ]
1 [ learned and disengaged Christian/ originally written, learned Christian, ]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 415
or vanity 1 in this. For the outrages which have been against
me force me to say it ; and I am confident future times will
make it good, unless profaneness break in and overrun the
whole kingdom, which is not a little to be feared 2 .
(65) Fourthly ; I must confess, I am in this particular most 4.
unfortunate. For many recusants in England, and many of
that party beyond the seas, think I have done them and their
cause more harm, than they which have seemed more fierce
against them. And I doubt not, but I shall be able to prove,
that I have been accounted beyond sea the greatest enemy
to them that ever sat in my place. And shall I suffer on
both sides ? Shall I be accounted an enemy by one part for
opposing the papist, and accused for a traitor by the other
161 for favouring and complying with them ? Well, if I do suffer
thus, tis but because truth usually lies between t\vo extremes 3 ,
and is beaten by both (as the poor Church of England is, at
this day 4 , by the papist and the separatist). But in this, and
all things else, in despite of all malice, truth shall be either
my protection from suffering, or my comfort while I suffer ;
and by God s gracious assistance I shall never depart from it,
but continue at the Apostle s ward, 2 Cor. xiii. z Nihil possum
contra veritatem, I can do nothing against the truth ; arid for
it, I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer anything.
Fifthly; If I had practised with the Pope or his agents for 5.
the alteration of religion in England, surely I must have
used many great and dexterous instruments to compass my
end. And in a business of so great consequence, difficulty,
1 [The Archbishop here wrote in marg., but afterwards erased :
I might perhaps be thought guilty of both, should I [have] ever pub
lished to any [one the] testimonies which [were giv]en to this book [by] Dr.
Usher, Ld. Primate of Armagh, and his earnest desire to have it translated into
Latin ; by Dr. Hall, Ld. Bishop of Exeter, Dr. Mountagu, Ld. Bishop of
Norwich, Dr. Morton, Ld. Bishop of Durham, Dr. Pearce, Ld. Bp. of Bath and
Wells, Dr. Skinner, Ld. Bp. of Bristol, Dr. Bancroft, L. Bishop of Oxford, Dr.
Wedderburne, Ld. Bp. of Dumblane, Dr. Sinserf (sic), L. Bp. of Galloway, Dr.
Bramhall, L. Bp. of Derry, Dr. Chappell, Ld. Bp. of Corke, Dr. Beedle, L. Bp. of
Kilmorc ; by twelve other doctors, of great learning and worth, in the Church
of England ; and by Sir Wi. Boswell, his Majesty s learned agent in the Low
Countries, not only in his own name, but in the nau.e of divers Dutch divines
and gentlemen, which understand the English tongue, all whose testimonies I
have by me in writings under their own hand, if any man shoiild doubt the
truth of this relation. ]
2 [ unless . . . feared. inserted afterwards.]
3 [ extremes/ originally written, sides, ] 4 [ between them erased.]
416 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
and danger to all that should have a hand, nay, but a finger, in
it, no man would venture to meddle without good pay. And His
well known, that I have filled no purse, nor laid up any store,
to set ill instruments on work, upon that or any other un
worthy design.
6. Sixthly ; 1 am a man in years, great years for a man so
loaded with business as I have been all my life ; and it cannot
be long before I must go to give God Almighty an account
of all my actions. And whatsoever the malignity of the time
may put upon me, yet they which know me and my ways
will easily believe, that I have not so little conscience, or care
of my soul, as to double with God to my very death. Nay,
could I have doubled thus, I could easily have seen a way
through all this difficulty ; and how to have been as gracious
Avith the people as any, even the worst, of my predecessors.
But I have ever held that the lowest depth of baseness, to
frame religion to serve turns, and to be carried about with
every wind of vain doctrine, to serve and please other
men s fancies, and not a man s own either understanding or
conscience.
7. Seventhly ; I think the greatest enemies I have are of
opinion, that if I would have turned to the Roman party,
especially if I would have been such an active instrument for
them, as this Article would make me, I might have been
welcome to them l , and should have been rewarded by them 2 ;
at least, that I should have been made able to live in credit,
if not in honour. And this being granted, I would fain know,
what could stay me here, save only my conscience in and to
the truth.
Surely, not any care of wife and children, for I have them
not ; and as this storm drives upon me, I most humbly and
heartily bless God for it, that I have not any of these clogs
to hang about me.
Not the greatness 3 of my place; for if in this present
tumble anything be put either upon it or me, that a knowing
conscience ought to check at, the world shall soon see how
little I value Canterbury in regard of conscience.
Not the honour of my place neither ; for if I stood upon
[ to them/ interlined.] 2 [ by them; interlined.]
[ greatness originally written honour ]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 417
that, I cannot but see liow malice hath laid that in the dust,
or lower if it may be l . And can any man think then, that I
would endure so much hatred, and so (66) many base libels, as
have filled the streets against me, and such bitter revilings of
me in print, as the gall of some pens have cast upon me, when
I might go live elsewhere with content and reputation ? Sure
nothing but conscience could stay me here in such a condition.
Not the wealth to be gotten in my place ; for the arch
bishopric of Canterbury is far short of the value put upon it,
(according as I have given a faithful account to his Majesty).
And if it were of never so great a value, I have made it mani
fest to the world, that wealth is not my aim. For whatsoever
benefit hath accrued to me, over and above my necessary and
decent expenses, I have refunded back upon the poor, or the
public, or the Church from whence I had it ; as in better
times churchmen were wont to do. So there could be no
external motive to work upon me, to make me stay here, if
my conscience went along with Rome. And my conscience
being not that 2 way set, (as most certainly it is not,) no man
can so much as probably think I should, with hazard of my
life, and honour, and all things, practise the change of religion,
and that against my conscience.
Eighthly ; This scandalous false report, that I should nego
tiate with the Pope and with Rome for the change of religion
in this kingdom, was first spread by the Scots, who shame
lessly printed it in these words : Canterbury did negotiate
with Rome about the frame of our Service-book and Canons/
&c. a Now, if this be false, why did they print it ? and if it
be true, why do they desert it ? It comes a great deal more
home, than double all else they have said against me. And
yet it seems, when they had considered better of it, and found
they could not make it good, they left it quite out of those
Articles which they preferred into the Parliament of England
against me. And I presume, they would never have left that
out which they had published in print to the world, could
they have gotten any show of proof. Immediately upon the
1 [ if it may be. in marg.]
2 [ And my . . . that originally written, And if my conscience be not that ]
a Inabookintitulfid/ TheRemon- the Kingdom of Scotland, Feb. 27,
strance of the Nobility, Barons, Bur- 1639," p. 12. Edinburgh,
gesses, Ministers, and Commons within
LAUD. VOL. III.
418 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
arrival of this pamphlet in England, court, city, and country-
grew presently full of it, that the Archbishop of Canterbury
had negotiated with Rome about the alteration of religion.
And since they have thus defamed me, and that in print, I
do challenge Mr. Alexander Henderson 1 (who doubtless was
either sole author of that Remonstrance/ or had a great
hand in it) either to make it good against me, or by like 2
public acknowledgment of it in print, give me satisfaction for
so foul a calumny ; or to answer me, when I shall not fail to
challenge him for it, at the bar of Christ.
9. Lastly ; I received information out of Holland 3 , when his
Majesty was last in the North, that there was a plot laid of a
dangerous treason against his Majesty s life ; that this treason
was plotted here in England by Signior Con and his com
plices ; and that these contrivers took a deep dislike against
me, because they could not get within me, nor make me
pliable to their projects about religion; and that they were
so angry with me for it, as that they resolved my life must be
first taken away, before they could hope to get their will of
the King. This advertisement came to me from one that
professed he was in the bosom of Con, and knew all the
secrets of his employments hither. This business was first
made known under an oath of secresy (as I remember) to
Sir Wi. Boswell, his Majesty s agent in Holland ; and it was
ordered between them 4 that his papers should be sent over
sealed to me, as they were, and that by an express ; and a
charge to deliver them to no hand but mine, as he tendered
the King s safety, in regard so many great men were (as he 163
said) in the treason. I sent away these letters and papers to
his Majesty s own hands, and received direction, what answer
I should give to Sir Wi. Boswell. (67) At his Majesty s
return, at the beginning of this Parliament, he named a
committee of Lords to hear this business, and commanded
me to bring the papers thither. This 1 did, and they were
all read before his Majesty and the committee. Sir Wi.
Boswell s letters and the other papers b are yet all in my
1 [ to make it here originally inserted, and erased.]
2 [ like interlined.] 3 [ out of Holland, interlined.]
I f [ it was . . . them in marg.]
b These papers were taken from the and shortly after published in a pam-
Archbishop by Pryn, 1643, May 31, phlet intituled, "Kome s Masterpiece."
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 419
hands; but it seems the particulars could not all be got out.
Now, this is a hard strait into which I am cast. The Pope s
agent (as tis said) plots my death on the one side, because
I will not be wrought upon to help to bring in the Roman
superstition ; and the Parliament on the other side articles
to overthrow me, out of a jealousy that I go about to bring
it in. So that I am in the prophet David s case, Ps. xxxi. c ,
For I also have heard the blasphemy of the multitude,
and fear is on every side, while they conspire together against
me, and take their counsel to take away my life. But my
hope hath been, and is, in Thee, O Lord.
And for the latter part of this Article, it is utterly untrue,
that ever I either permitted or countenanced any Popish
hierarchy or ecclesiastical government to be established in
this kingdom ; and if any such be established, it is more than
I know to this instant. But this I am sure of, and can prove,
that when the Queen s Almoner was to be made a bishop,
I laboured as much against it as I could d ; whereupon he
delayed the taking of his bishopric upon him for a good time.
And when divers offers were made on his behalf, and the
Queen grew earnest for his preferment, I was called again by
his Majesty in the presence of a Secretary of State, and com
manded to speak my judgment and my conscience. And
I did so; and declared clearly against any bishop of the
Roman party his coming into the kingdom to reside, or
exercise any jurisdiction here. And I gave then for my
reason, the very self-same which is since published by the
House of Commons in their Remonstrance ; f a different and
inconsistent Church within a Church, which ever brought
hazard upon the State. And in this judgment I persisted,
and never permitted, much less countenanced, any Popish
hierarchy to settle in this kingdom, but hindered it by all
the ways and means I could 1 .
1 [ David s case (lin. 8.) . . . means I could. on opposite page.]
II. W. [This will appear in vol. vi. Charles I. vol. ii. pp. 298, 299 :) -when
with the Archbishop s marg. notes.] it was conferred on James Du Perron,
c Ps. xxxi. 15, 16. (the person referred to in the text,)
d [l)u Flessis, Bp. of Mende, first afterwards Bp. of Angouleme.]
accompanied the Queen as Almoner e ["A] Kemonsl [ranee of the State
(see vol. i. p. 62) ; on his removal, of the Kingdom,"] die Mercurii, ] 5
Bertaut, Bishop of Bazas, was ap- Deccmb. 1041, p. 20, [p. 14 of the
pointed to the oftice, but was not edit, by Jos. liunscutt. Lund. 1041.]
allowed to enter England ; (Birch s
EE2
420 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
11. He in his own person, and his suffragans, visitors, sur
rogates, chancellors, or other officers, by his command,
have caused divers learned, pious, and orthodox preachers*
of God s word, to be silenced, suspended, deprived, de
graded, excommunicated, or otherwise grieved and vexed,
without any just and lawful cause; whereby, and by
divers other means, he hath hindered the preaching of
God s word, caused divers of his Majesty s loyal subjects
to forsake the kingdom, and increased and cherished igno
rance and profaneness amongst the people, that so he
might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his
own ivicked and traitorous designs of altering and cor
rupting the true religion here established.
I have neither by myself, nor by command to my officers,
silenced, suspended, deprived, degraded, or excommunicated 164
any learned, pious, and orthodox preachers, nor any other,
but upon just cause proved in court, and according to law.
And I think it will appear, that as few (be the cause never so
just) have been suspended or deprived in my diocese, as in
any diocese in England. Nor have I by these suspensions
hindered the preaching of God s word, but of schism and
sedition ; as now appears plainly by the sermons frequently
made in London, since the time of liberty given and taken
since this Parliament. Nor have I caused any of his Ma
jesty s subjects to forsake the kingdom ; but they forsook it
of themselves, being separatists from the Church of England,
as is more than manifest to any man that will but consider
what kind of persons went to New England.
And whereas in their late Remonstrance h they say, The
High Commission grew to such excess of sharpness and
severity, as was not much less than the Romish Inquisition ;
and yet in many cases, by the Archbishop s power, was made
much more heavy, being assisted and strengthened by autho
rity of the Council-table ; I was much troubled at it, that
such an imputation from so great a body should be fastened on
me. And therefore first I considered, that my predecessors
were all, or most of them, strengthened with the same
authority of the Council-table, that I was ; and therefore, if
f ministers Rushw. and Pryn. h Rcmonstr. die Mercurii, 15 Dc-
* design Rushw. and Pryn. cemb. 1641, p. 14. [p. 11.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 421
I did use that authority to worse ends,, or in a worse manner,
than they did, I was the more to blame. Therefore,, to
satisfy myself and others in this particular, I did in the next
place cause a diligent search to be made in the Acts of that
court (which can deceive no man), what suspensions l , depri
vations, or other punishments, had passed in the seven years
of my time before my commitment. Then I compared them
with every of the three seven years of my immediate prede
cessor, (for so long he sat, and somewhat over, and was in
great esteem with the House of Commons all his time,) and
I find more by three suspended, deprived, or degraded, in
every seven years of his time, than in the seven years (68) of
my time so cried out upon (as you see) for sharpness and
severity/ even to the equalling of that Commission 2 almost
to the Romish Inquisition. So safe a thing it is for a man to
embark himself into a potent faction ; and so hard for any
other man, be he never so entire, to withstand its violence 3 .
12. He hath traitorously endeavoured to cause division and
discord between the Church of England and other reformed
Churches ; and to that end hath suppressed and abrogated
the privileges and immunities which have been by his
Majesty and his royal ancestors granted to the French
and Dutch Churches in this kingdom, and divers other
ways hath expressed his malice and disaffection to these
Churches ; that so by such disunion 1 the Papists might
have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of
both.
I never endeavoured to set division between the Church Ad duode-
of England and other reformed Churches ; and if I had so C1
165 done, it had been a very unchristian and unworthy act, but
yet no treason, as I conceive. And for the privileges and
immunities granted by his Majesty and his royal progenitors
to the French and Dutch Churches in this kingdom, I did
not seek to suppress or abrogate any of them which kept
1 [ suspensions, originally written, fines, suspensions, ]
2 r Commission interlined.]
withstand its violence. inserted afterwards in margin.]
1 distinction Rush w. ; disunion Pryn.
422 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIA.L
conform to their first toleration here; much less did I labour
by any disunion betwixt them and us to advantage the
Papists, to the overthrow of both. But this I found, that
they did not use their privileges with that gratitude and
fairness to his Majesty, the State, and Church of England, as
they ought to have done. And hereupon I acquainted his
Majesty and the Lords, in full and open council, with what
I conceived concerning that business ; as, namely,
1. That their living as they did, and standing so strictly
to their own discipline, wrought upon the party in England
which were addicted to them, and made them more averse,
than otherwise they would have been, to the present govern
ment of the Church of England.
2. That by this means they lived in England as if they
were a kind of God s Israel in Egypt, to the great dishonour
of the Church of England, to which at first they fled for
shelter against persecution. And in that time of their
danger, the Church of England was in their esteem not only
a true, but a glorious Church. But by this favour which that
Church received, it grew up and incroached upon us, till it
became a Church within a Church, and a kind of State within
a State. And this I ever held dangerous, how small beginning
soever it had, and that upon two main reasons. The one,
because I find the wisdom of God against it; for He says
plainly to His prime people, One law (and especially for
Divine worship) shall be to him that is home-born, and to
the stranger that sojourns among you/ Exod. xiiJ And the
other, because I find the wisdom of this State against it ; for
this Parliament, in their Remonstrance, give the selfsame
reason against the Papists, but k must hold good against all
sects that labour to make strong and enlarge themselves.
The words are these: f Another State moulded within this
State, independent in government, contrary in interest and
affection, secretly corrupting the ignorant or negligent pro
fessors of our religion, and closely uniting and combining
themselves against such as are sound, in this posture waiting
for an opportunity */ &c. And the words are as true of the
one faction as the other; and I ever pressed the argument
J Exod. xii. 49. l Eemonst. die Mercurii, 15 Do
k which cemb. 1641, p. 20. [p. 14.]
OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 423
alike against both, as I can prove by good witness, if need be.
And I pray God this faction, too little feared and too much
nourished among us, have not now found the opportunity
waited for.
(69) 3. That they live here, and enjoy all freedom, and yet
for the most part scorn so much as to learn the language, or
to converse with any, more than for advantage of bargaining.
And will take no Englishman to be their apprentice, nor
teach them any of their manufactures ; which I did then, and
do still, think most unreasonable.
4. That for religion, if after so many descents of their
children born in the land, and so native subjects, these
L66 children of theirs should refuse to pray and communicate
with the Church of England, into whose bosom their parents
fled at first for succour ; I thought then, and do still, that no
State could with safety, or would in wisdom, endure it. And
this concerning their children was all that was desired by me;
as appears by the Act m which my Vicar-general made con
cerning those Churches at Canterbury, Sandwich, and Maid-
stone, in my diocese, and the publication 11 of this Act in
their congregations, by their own ministers, in this form
following :
I am commanded to signify unto you, that it is not his
Majesty s intent, nor of the Council of State, to dissolve our
congregations. And to that end, his Majesty is content to
permit the natives of the first degree to continue members of
our congregations as before. But the natives in this Church,
after the first descent, are enjoined to obey my Lord Arch
bishop his injunction ; which is, to conform themselves to the
English discipline and Liturgy, every one in his parish ;
without inhibiting them, notwithstanding, from resorting
sometimes to our assemblies.
1 And my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury means, notwith
standing, that the said natives shall continue to contribute to
the maintenance of the ministry and poor of this Church, for
the better subsisting thereof; and promiseth to obtain an
order from, the Council, if need be, and they require it, to
maintain them in their manufactures, against those which
would trouble them by informations/
m 26 Septcmb. 1635. "11 Octob. 1635.
424 HISTORY or THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
Now, that which 1 I enjoined the French and Dutch
Churches, was to a syllable all one with this, in all parts of
my province where these Churches resided; as at South
ampton and Norwich. And I have a letter to show, full of
thanks, from the ministers and elders of the French and
Walloon Churches at Norwich. All which is far from an
endeavour to suppress any just privileges and immunities
which these Churches had in England, or ought to have in
any well-governed kingdom.
And since this time I have not only seen, but gotten, the
very original letter of Queen Elizabeth of happy memory,
written to the Lord Treasurer PawletP, specifying what order
she would should be taken with and for these Churches. The
letter is signed with her Majesty V own hand and signet;
and gives them not half so much liberty, I do not say as they
take, but as I have been ever most content to give them. For
the Queen in these letters allows them nothing contrary to
her laws ; and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own
language, not another form of Divine service and discipline,
much different from it. This was the wisdom of those times,
which I pray God we may follow. The Queen s letter follows
in these words :
Elizabeth.
{ Right trusty and right well-beloved cousin, we greet you
well. Whereas in the time of our brother, and sister also,
the church of the late Augustine Friars was appointed to the
use of all the strangers repairing to the city of London, for to
have therein Divine service; considering that by an universal 16
order, all the rest of the churches have the Divine Service in
the English tongue, for the better edifying of the people,
which the strangers born understand not : Our pleasure is, that
you shall assign and (70) deliver the said church, and all things
thereto belonging, to the Reverend Father in God, the Bishop
of London, to be appointed to such curates and ministers as
he shall think good, to serve from time to time in the same
1 [ that which originally written, the act which ]
2 [ Majesty s in margin.]
Dat. Sept. 14, 1635. P [William Pawlett, first Marquis of Winchester.]
OE AllCHBTSIIOP LAUD. 425
churches, both for daily Divine service,, and for administration
of the sacraments, and preaching of the Gospel : so as no rite
nor use be therein observed contrary or derogatory to our
laws. And these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant
and discharge in that behalf. Given under our signet at our
palace of Westminster, the .... of February, the second
year of our reign.
To our trusty and right well beloved cousin
and counsellor, the Marquess of Winches
ter, High Treasurer of England/
13. He hath maliciously and traitorously plotted, and en
deavoured to stir up war and enmity betwixt his Majesty 1 s
two kingdoms of England and Scotland; and to that
purpose hath laboured to introduce into the kingdom of
Scotland divers innovations both in religion and govern-
ment, all or the most part tending to Popery and super-
stition, to the great grievance and discontent of his
Majesty s subjects of that nation. And for their refusing
to submit to such innovations, he did traitorously advise
his Majesty to subdue them by force of arms ; and by his
own authority and power, contrary to law, did procure
sundry of his Majesty s subjects, and enforced the clergy
of this kingdom, to contribute toward the maintenance of
that war. And when his Majesty, with much wisdom and
justice, had made a pacification betwixt the two kingdoms,
the said Archbishop did presumptuously censure that paci
fication, as dishonourable to his Majesty ; and incense^ his
Majesty against his said subjects of Scotland, that he did
thereupon, by advice of the said Archbishop), enter into an
offensive war against them, to the great hazard of his
Majesty s person, and his subjects of both kingdoms.
I did not endeavour to stir up war between his Majesty s Ad 13.
two kingdoms of England and Scotland; but my counsels
were for peace, as may appear by the counsel which I gave at
Theobalds, in the beginning of these unhappy differences.
For there my counsel only put a stay upon the business, in
hope his, Majesty might have a better issue without than with
a war. And if I were mistaken in this counsel, yet it agreed
i [ and by his counsel and endeavour so incensed Fryn and Rushw ]
426 1IIST011Y OF THE TROUBLES AND TKIAL
well with my profession and with the cause, which was dif
ferences in religion, which I conceived might better he com
posed by ink than by blood. And I think it cannot easily be
forgotten that I gave this counsel ; for my Ld. the E. of
Arundel r opposed me openly at the table then, and said my
grounds would deceive me. And my Ld. the E. of Holland 8
came to me, so soon as we were risen from counsel, and was
pleased to say to me, that I had done myself arid my calling
a great deal of right, and the King my master the best
service that ever I did him in my life. And Mr. Patrick
Male*, of his Majesty s bedchamber, when he heard what
I ha*d done, came and gave me a great deal of thanks in the
name of that nation.
Nor did I labour to introduce into the kingdom of Scotland
any innovations in religion or government : neither do all,
(71) or the most part, or indeed any of those pretended inno
vations, tend to Popery or superstition, as hath before been
sufficiently proved. Neither did I, upon their refusal to
submit to these, advise his Majesty to subdue them by force
of arms ; but the counsels which I gave were open, either at
the Committee or the Council-table. Neither did I, by my
own power and authority, contrary to law, procure any of his
Majesty s subjects l , or enforce the clergy of England to con
tribute to the maintenance of that war; but the subsidies
which were given to his Majesty at that time, were given freely
and in open Convocation, and without any practice of myself
or any other, as appears by what I have formerly u laid down.
But because so much noise hath been made against me,
both in the Scottish Charge before answered, and in this
Article about Popish innovations in that Service-book, and
that I laboured the introducing both of it and them ; I think
it fit, if not necessary, to set down briefly the story what was
done, and what I did, and by what command, in all that
business. And it follows v :
1 [ subjects interlined.]
r [See above, p. 283.] p. 286.]
s [S
[See above, p. 284.] v [The original draught of this is in
Maule. [He continued in attend- Lamb. MSS. Numb. 943 ; from which
ance on the King through all his it is printed in Prynne s Hidden
troubles.] Works/ p. 155.]
u P. 9 [of original MS. Sec above,
0V ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 427
Dr. John Maxwell, the late Bishop of Ross, came to me
from his Majesty; it was during the time of a great and
dangerous fever, under which I then laboured ; it was in the
year 16.29, in August or September, which, come that time, is
thirteen years since w . The cause of his coming was to speak Feb
, with me about a Liturgy for Scotland. At his coming I was
so extreme ill that I saw him not ; and had death (which
I then expected daily, as did my friends and physicians also)
seized on me, I had not seen this heavy time.
After this, when I was able to sit up, he came to me again,
and told me it was his Majesty s pleasure, that I should
receive instructions from 1 some bishops of Scotland con
cerning a Liturgy for that Church ; and that he was employed
from my Lord the Archbishop of St. Andrew s, and other
prelates there, about it. I told him I was clear of opinion,
that if his Majesty would have a Liturgy settled there 2 , it
were best to take the English Liturgy without any variation,
that so the same Service-book might be established in all his
Majesty s dominions; which I did then, and do still think,
would have been a great happiness to this State, and a great
honour and safety to religion.
To this he replied, that he was of a contrary opinion; and
that not he only, but the bishops of that kingdom, thought
69 their countrymen would be much better satisfied, if a Liturgy
were framed by their own clergy, than to have the English
Liturgy put upon them ; yet he added, that it might be
according to the form of our English Service-book. I an
swered to this, that if this were the resolution of my brethren
the bishops of Scotland, I would not entertain so much as
thoughts about it, till I might by God s blessing have health
and opportunity to wait upon his Majesty, and receive his
further directions from himself.
When I was able to go abroad, I came to his Majesty, and
represented all that had passed. His Majesty avowed the
sending of Dr. Maxwell to me, and the message sent by him ;
1 [ instructions from in marg. It was originally written, bishops ins.
2 [Originally added and erased, different from that which they had/ The.
(sic.)]
j had/
last three words erased, and then written, form which they had/]
[See above, p. 211.]
4.28 HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
but then he inclined to my opinion, to have the English
Service without any alteration to be established there. And
in this condition I held that business for two, if not three,
years at least. Afterwards, the Scottish bishops still pressing
his Majesty, that a Liturgy framed by themselves, and in
some few things different from ours, would relish better with
their countrymen, they at last prevailed with his Majesty to
have it so, and carried it against me, notwithstanding all
I could say or do to the contrary.
(72) Then his Majesty commanded me to give the bishops
of Scotland my best assistance in this way and work. I
delayed as much as I could with my obedience; and when
nothing would serve, but it must go on, I confess I was then
very serious, and gave them the best help I could. But
wheresoever I had any doubt, I did not only acquaint his
Majesty with it, but writ down most of the amendments or
alterations in his Majesty s presence. And I do verily
believe, there is no one thing in that book which may not
stand with the< conscience of a right good Protestant. Sure
I am his Majesty approved them all; and I have his warrant
under his royal hand for all that I did about that book x . And
to the end the book may be extant, and come to the view of
the Christian world, and their judgment of it be known,
I have caused it to be exactly translated into Latin ; and, if
right be done, it shall be printed with 1 this History.
This was that which I did concerning the matter and
substance 2 of this Service-book. As for the way of intro
ducing it, I ever advised the bishops, both in his Majesty s
presence and at other times, both by word and by writing,
that they would look carefully to it, and be sure to do
nothing about it, but what should be agreeable to the laws of
that kingdom ; and that they should at all times be sure to
1 [ with originally written, in the end of]
2 [ the matter and substance in margin.]
x [Prynne (Hidden Works, p. 156) from another Book signed by us at
gives the warrant as follows : Hampton Court, September 28, 1634,
Charles E. our pleasure is, to have these followed
I gave the Archbishop of Canter- rather than the former, unless the
bury command to make the alterations Archbishop of S. Andrewes, and his
expressed in this Book, and to fit a Brethren who are upon the place,
Liturgy for the Church of Scotland, shall see apparent reason to the con-
And wheresoever they shall differ traiy. At Whitehall, April 19, 1636. ]
ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 429
take the advice of the Lords of his Majesty s Council in that
kingdom, and govern themselves and their proceedings
accordingly : which course, if they have not followed, that
can no way reflect upon me, who have, both in this and all
things else, been as careful of their laws, as any man that is
a stranger to them could be. And in a letter of mine, after
my last coming out of Scotland, thus I wrote to the late
reverend Archbishop of St. Andrew s, Septemb. 30, 1633, con
cerning the Liturgy : that whether that of England or another
were resolved on, yet they should proceed circumspectly;
1 because his Majesty had no intendment to do anything^ but
that which was according to honour and justice, and the laws
of that kingdom : and a copy of this letter I have yet by me
to show; and for the truth of this narration, I know his
Majesty, and my Lord Ross himself, will avow it.
And here I take leave- to acquaint the reader, that this
was no new conceit of his Majesty, to have a Liturgy
framed and Canons made for the Church of Scotland ; for he
followed his royal father King James his example and care
therein, who took order for both at the Assembly of Perth y,
ah. 1618.
And now to return again to the Article. There is one
charge more in it, and that s concerning the Pacification 2
made the former year. The Article says, I l did censure it
as dishonourable, and advise for a new war: but I did
neither. That which I spake was openly at the Council-table,
and in his Majesty s presence ; and it was this. There arose
a debate at the table about these affairs and the Pacification ;
and I said that I did often wish from my heart that his
Majesty had kept the army which he had at Barwick together
but eight or ten days longer, and that 1 did not doubt, but
that, if he had so done, he might have had more honourable
conditions of his Scottish subjects. This I said, and more or
otherwise I said not; and whosoever shall relate them other
wise, forgets truth. Now, to say that his Majesty might
have had more honourable (73) conditions, doth not infer
that the Pacification then made was upon dishonourable con-
y Proceedings of the Assembly at z P. 41 [of orig. MS. See above,
Perth, pp. 40 and 68, [by Dr. Lyndesay. p. 861. ]
Lond. 1621.]
430 HISTORY OE THE TROUBLES AND TRIAL
ditions, but only upon less honourable than it might have
been 1 . And I had great reason to observe my own words,
and remember them; because I saw some lords at the table
touched with them, perhaps in their own particulars.
Nor was I alone in this judgment ; for my Ld. the Earl of
Holland, though he then said nothing at the Council-table,
yet at his first return from Barwick, his Lp. did me the
honour to come and see me at Lambeth; and in the gallery
there, while we were discoursing of the affairs in the north,
of himself he used these words to me, that his Majesty
did too suddenly dissolve his army there; indeed, so sud
denly, that everybody wondered at it ; and that for his part
he was so sorry, especially for the dismissing of all the horse ;
(which he said were as good as any in Christendom ;) and
further, that he offered his Majesty to keep one thousand of
them for a year at his own and his friends charge, till the
King might see all things well settled again in Scotland.
By which it is apparent, that in his Lordship s judgment
things might have been better, had not that army been so
suddenly dissolved : and I hope it was no sin in me to wish
the best success and the most honour to the King s affairs.
Now that which moved me to say thus 2 at the Council-
table, was this. The last Article in the Pacification was,
To restore to every one of his Majesty s subjects their liber
ties, lands, houses, goods and means whatsoever, taken and
detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid
time. But within two days (or three at the most) after the
Pacification agreed upon and concluded a , the Lord Lindsay
made an 3 open and public protestation, either in the camp at
Dunns, or at the Cross in Edinborough, or both, that no
clergyman, his goods or means, was b included in the Paci
fication : which yet expresses ever